Strategies for promoting gender equality in Rwanda: How do the actors describe their work?

Abstract

This article aimed at exploring measures and strategies used in promoting gender equality in Rwanda. Thirty-eight actors from government, non-government and community-based organisations were interviewed. Using Bacchi’s ‘What is the Problem Represented to be?’ (WPR) framework, the analysis reveals that these actors frame the core problem of gender inequality differently: as gender-based violence, women’s historical disempowerment, misunderstanding of gender equality and neglect of cultural norms. The study concludes that effective gender policy requires context-specific and culturally sensitive strategies, rather than a ‘one-size-fits-all approach’. It emphasises the critical role social work could play in developing sustainable solutions aligning with local realities and values.

Introduction

Gender equality is a fundamental principle that is indispensable for realising sustainable development in the world since it is considered a foundation for policies and interventions that foster equitable and inclusive development. Furthermore, the achievement of gender equality is a precondition for economic development, improved health and education and overall human wellbeing (Khanal, 2023). Gender equality ensures that all people can contribute their full potential, making it both a human right and a driver of progress by boosting growth, improving decisions, reducing inequality and violence and enhancing social wellbeing. Within this context, the social work profession plays a vital role in promoting gender equality through its principles of advancing human rights and social change (Saxena and Chandrapal, 2022).

The importance of gender equality is endorsed globally and is considered essential for long-term socio-economic development (Heinzel et al., 2025). Gender equality is a core part of the United Nations’ 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development (Eden and Wagstaff, 2021; Weiland et al., 2021), with the 5th Sustainable Development Goal aiming to ‘achieve gender equality and empower all women and girls’ (Eden and Wagstaff, 2021). Social work addresses gender inequalities by translating policy goals into tangible actions at the micro, mezzo and macro levels, thereby bridging the gap between legislation and lived realities. Social work strategies range from advising policymakers to mediating between government and communities, as well as contextualising policies to meet local needs (Saxena and Chandrapal, 2022).

The United Nations Programme for Gender Equality and the Empowerment of Women defines gender equality as the equal rights, responsibilities and opportunities of women and men, girls and boys, without distinction (UNWomen, 2025). This means fighting discrimination, empowering women, ending gender-based violence and ensuring equal access to education, healthcare and economic resources (Khanal, 2023). Gender equality further implies that the perceptions, interests and priorities of different persons are given equal weight in planning and decision-making, regardless of sex (Omoyibo and Ajayi, 2011; Wendoh and Wallace, 2005).

In the Eastern part of Africa, wars and conflicts have both devastated and reshaped societies, creating new platforms for women to advance gender equality, participate in peacebuilding and influence laws and policies (Arostegui, 2013). In this region, the social work profession operates under challenging conditions of poverty, political violence and structural inequalities. To remain effective, it is increasingly indigenised by integrating local knowledge, values and practices. Through advocacy, empowerment and direct community engagement, social work not only supports the implementation of gender policy but also strengthens grassroots initiatives that combat gender-based violence and promote equity in families, communities and institutions (Spitzer, 2017; Twikirize and Spitzer, 2019).

Twikirize et al. (2013) argue that in Uganda, gender inequality is both a cause and result from poverty. Real social development requires advancing robust laws alongside gender equality initiatives. Uganda has been considered a role model in policy development because of its progressive decisions, most notably the adoption of a comprehensive, human rights-based Constitution in 1995 and subsequent legal frameworks aimed at promoting gender equality (Arostegui, 2013). Social work in Uganda has complemented these reforms by engaging communities in awareness campaigns, empowering women economically and ensuring that national gender laws translate into tangible benefits for households and vulnerable populations. By applying developmental social work approaches, practitioners have acted as mediators between policy and practice, helping grassroots communities align with Uganda’s progressive gender frameworks (Lombard and Twikirize, 2014; Twikirize et al., 2013).

In the early 2000s, Tanzania witnessed rapid advancements in women’s rights. The country ratified several international conventions and implemented legal reforms to strengthen guarantees for women’s rights and gender equality (Lange and Tjomsland, 2014). Social workers in Tanzania have played a central role in operationalising these reforms through interventions in education, health and community development programmes. Their work has particularly focused on protecting women and girls from gender-based violence, raising awareness about rights and ensuring that women’s participation in development processes is not only legally recognised but also practically supported at the household and community levels (Lange and Tjomsland, 2014; Mabeyo et al., 2025; Twikirize and Spitzer, 2019).

Studies in Burundi report that women are regarded as important stakeholders in all spheres of national life. The government has prioritised the promotion of women and undertaken initiatives to advance gender equality, reflecting a policy commitment to elevate women’s status in society. Social workers in Burundi have reinforced this agenda by addressing the consequences of conflict, poverty and displacement, which disproportionately affect women (Muchiri and Nzisabira, 2020).

In Rwanda, the government has established a strong legal framework and several key bodies to lead and manage gender equality efforts at the national level (Lorentzen, 2017; MIGEPROF, 2021; Niyonzima and Bayu, 2023; Republic of Rwanda, 2023). Beyond these central institutions, various government organisations are mandated to integrate gender equality into their operations. In addition, non-governmental organisations (NGOs) and community-based organisations (CBOs) play a supportive role in advancing the national gender policy and broader equality agenda (Kagaba, 2016; Mangheni et al., 2021). Within this framework, social work has been instrumental in bridging state-level initiatives and community needs. Practitioners contribute by sensitising communities about gender equality, addressing family and marital conflicts and supporting women’s economic empowerment programmes (Kalinganire and Rutikanga, 2015).

Earlier research on Rwanda shows that promoting gender equality has primarily focused on women’s rights, empowerment and economic independence, then engaging men contributed to reducing gender-based violence and fostering healthier household relationships (Cherry and Hategekimana, 2013; Dunkle et al., 2020; Jobert, 2023; Niyonkuru and Barrett, 2021). Despite progressive policies and women’s high representation in government, barriers such as entrenched social norms, family violence and limited male engagement remain (Abbott and Malunda, 2016; Carlson and Randell, 2013; Kagaba, 2015a). Some scholars also argue that gender policies risk being more symbolic than transformative (Burnet 2011; Debusscher and Ansoms, 2013; Gutiérrez Villaverde, 2023). Thus, the social work profession in Rwanda should ensure that gender policies are not confined to the political arena but are lived out in households and communities, where inequalities and gender-based violence are most strongly felt (Debusscher and Ansoms, 2013; Kagaba, 2015b).

The motivation for this research is thus to provide an understanding of the processes through which gender policy and gender equality are translated into concrete strategies by different actors that are responsible for delivering gender equality initiatives to the citizens of Rwanda.

Aim

This article aims to analyse how actors define problems and formulate strategies to promote gender equality in Rwanda and to examine the role of social workers as potential intermediaries in translating national gender policies into local practices.

Research questions

1. How do actors involved in promoting gender policy and gender equality in Rwanda articulate the measures and strategies they employ, and what factors influence their choice?

2. In what ways do social workers differ from other actors in their problem definitions and the strategies they apply to promote gender equality?

Methodology

Research area

Five out of 30 districts in Rwanda were sampled since they have specific characteristics of interest for the study. The first criterion was whether the area was rural or urban, to explore what being rural or urban might imply for gender equality promotion. To get a comprehensive picture of the country, one district was chosen from each of the four provinces (North, South, East and West) and the City of Kigali.

The second selection criterion was that the district should have different programmes for gender equality promotion, carried out by different actors such as the Government, NGOs and/or CBOs.

Research informants

To be eligible for inclusion in the research, informants could be familiar with gender equality through their work position in government institutions or in an NGO or volunteering for a CBO active in gender and family protection.

After obtaining the ethical approval, emails were sent to district mayors requesting approval to conduct research in their respective districts. Follow-up physical meetings were organised with the district authorities, and a focal person or gatekeeper in each district was made available to the researcher to facilitate the recruitment process. Informants were recruited in June, July and August 2022. They were contacted by phone, were introduced to the research and the reason explained to them as to why they had been selected and what their contributions would be. After listening to the introduction by phone, some agreed immediately to take part while others requested to read the information sheet before making any decision. Those who declined to participate were immediately replaced in agreement with the focal persons.

The information sheet was sent by email or WhatsApp to those who agreed, after which the time and place for interviews were fixed, depending on the availability of both the researcher and the informants. Following the principle of data saturation (Creswell, 2023), thirty-eight informants were interviewed: 18 (nine males and nine females) working for the Government, 13 (six males and seven females) from NGOs and seven (two males and five females) from CBOs.

Data collection

Interviews were carried out using a semi-structured interview guide. This was composed of open-ended questions reflecting the aim and research objectives, to contribute to filling in the knowledge gaps from earlier studies. The plan was to conduct individual interviews, but the informants at two organisations preferred to be interviewed as a pair to offer each other support when responding.

The interview started with an introductory question for informants to introduce themselves, their education and work experience and their positions at the organisation. The interviews were open and did not follow the order of the questions precisely, but the interviewer made sure that no question was left unanswered. Probing questions were added where necessary to capture additional data that were not anticipated when producing the research guide. A closing question ended the interview, offering the informants the opportunity to share additional thoughts and ideas.

Interviews were conducted in Kinyarwanda, except for one interview in English. The interviews were conducted in August and September 2022 and lasted between 40 minutes and one and a half hours.

Data analysis

Thematic analysis was used since this is an ongoing process enabling the analysis to begin with the interview, passing through the transcribing stages and up to the final stage of analysis of the results (Braun and Clarke, 2006). Interviews were transcribed verbatim (Braun and Clarke, 2013).

The transcriptions were analysed and interpreted by both authors, following the thematic analysis steps proposed by Braun and Clarke (2006): first becoming familiar with the interviews, then generating initial codes, searching for themes across the data, defining and naming themes and finally producing the analysis and interpretation by relating back to the aim, research questions and theoretical framework. Information from fieldnotes was added to the transcriptions to ensure comprehensive data. All the transcripts were imported into NVivo14 and grouped according to codes that formed the themes and subthemes. Data not fitting with the aim of the research were not considered. Only quotations matching the formed themes were translated into English to be interpreted and analysed.

In qualitative research, the numbers are not of primary importance, the emphasis lies on the depth and richness of the data rather than its numerical representation (Braun and Clarke, 2013). Accordingly, not all informants’ quotations are reported verbatim in the results section; instead, a selection of illustrative excerpts from 12 informants are presented. Among the 12 informants, three are trained social workers. The entirety of the data informs the analysis and is systematically integrated into the discussion section. Codes are used in the presentation of results for anonymity purposes. (More details on informants are at the end of the article.) Member checking was done with a few informants at the initial stage of data analysis (McKim, 2023).

Analytical framework

Bacchi’s WPR framework served to select ‘problem representations’ from the interviews, which actors seek to ‘address’ by applying different strategies.

Applying this framework to data allowed to analyse the underlying assumptions and problem representations that shape the policy itself, legislative provisions and programmes so that the problems represented can be adequately addressed.

Previous studies applying the WPR framework to the analysis of gender policy and gender equality programmes in Rwanda documented that the problem of gender inequality has been narrowed to address the ‘shortage of women’ in senior positions and economic exclusion (Ruggi and Duvvury, 2023). Competing problematisations such as the exclusion of men in gender equality programmes were marginalised. From the same perspective, further research found that gender inequality is expressed as a problem of women’s exclusion from the formal economy or women’s underrepresentation in the workforce, and of men being less interested in gender equality programmes as they notice that their needs are not adequately represented (Abbott and Malunda, 2016; Dunkle et al., 2020; Jobert, 2023; Lorentzen, 2017).

Therefore, careful study and representation of the problem of gender (in-)equality further calls to think about what is assumed to be the problem, what is taken for granted and what is not questioned, as well as possible silences in the understanding of what should change, and the consequences that are expected to accompany this understanding of the ‘problem’ (Bacchi, 2009).

Ethical considerations

The researchers applied for introduction letters and ethical clearance from the Directorate of Research and Innovation of the University. The researchers reflected about their positionality by avoiding their knowledge, problematisation of the research and power differentials in relation to informants influencing the research process (Bukamal, 2022). As not neutral observers, researchers’ background, experiences and power dynamics can shape every stage of the research process. To avoid these pitfalls, researchers employ reflexivity, by actively documenting their thoughts, feelings and assumptions throughout the study to minimise their influence and ensure the research findings genuinely reflect the informants’ perspectives.

Before starting each interview, the informants read the information sheet and the informed consent form to gain familiarity with the key information: the aim and objectives of the research, information about the researcher, confidentiality and anonymity of informants (use of codes instead of names), responsibility and voluntary participation, the opportunity for informants to withdraw from the study without any consequences, use of voice recording, data processing and use. Once the informants were satisfied with this information, they could sign the informed consent form, and the interview could start.

During the interview process, challenges arose, for example in relation to the informants’ punctuality; some of them were unable to attend their appointments punctually, which at times had a knock-on effect on subsequent appointments. During one group interview, the focal person stayed throughout the interview, which may have affected the informants’ freedom to respond. By agreement with the research supervisor, another interview was conducted on a different day, in the absence of the focal person. One informant declined to have their interview recorded, but the researcher wrote down the central aspects in her fieldwork notebook. The researcher noticed that some informants occasionally added more when the recorder was off, and so she would write the additional data in her fieldwork notebook.

Results

The findings indicate that the informants articulated diverse problems motivating them to pursue varying strategic approaches in translating gender policy into locally relevant practices. For some, gender-based violence was identified as a priority issue. Others emphasised women’s empowerment as a central concern, while certain informants underscored the importance of engaging men in gender equality initiatives. Still others framed the primary problem in terms of prevailing cultural norms, prompting them to adopt culturally grounded, traditional and community-based methods, often working directly with families.

Addressing gender-based violence (GBV)

Informants explained that achieving gender equality was impossible without first addressing the problem of GBV, as violence blocks progress towards equality:

‘You know, GBV is a symptom of the absence of gender equality within a couple. In our educational sessions, the first message we share with women is the causes and consequences of GBV. Once that is established, we then provide education on gender equality’. (D4A)

The informants from an NGO describe that their strategy focused on first educating target groups about how to address GBV.

This is similar to what another informant representing another NGO said:

‘Using a gender-transformative approach with violent men helps them recognize their harmful actions, understand that violence is both damaging and rooted in negative ideas of masculinity. They receive support – along with their partners – to break free from the power dynamics that sustain the violence’. (D2G)

The informant explains that they inform men about the harmful effects of violence and support men and couples in making positive changes.

Another informant from another NGO revealed that the NGO directs its efforts towards educating youth to prevent GBV:

‘Our program now works with youth – both boys and girls in the National Youth Council – by training them on the causes, consequences, and prevention of gender-based violence. They then pass this knowledge to other young people in their communities, with the goal of raising a generation committed to building a society free from such violence’. (D4E)

The informants stressed that GBV harms victims and entire generations. Training youth offers a promising way to prevent violence early, paving the way for future relationships built on gender equality.

Women’s empowerment towards gender equality

Informants revealed that there was a need for legal measures to enhance women’s status and strengthen their empowerment. An informant from an NGO emphasised the importance of recognising this progress:

‘There is a sad historical background of inequality suffered by girls and women who did not enjoy the same rights as their brothers or husbands’. (D4E)

Accordingly, other thoughts on the reasons behind applying specific measures were shared:

‘I agree that gender equality has worn a feminine “chapeau”. Gender equality is often seen as a women’s issue, but true development requires equal contributions from both men and women. However, since women have been historically disadvantaged for centuries, they cannot contribute equally without first being empowered and having their capacities built – hence the focus on women’s empowerment’. (D2D)

The above account from a government social worker ultimately stresses that the social work profession advocates for gender equality not merely as equivalence in numbers but as a process of transformation. This involves dismantling oppressive structures, amplifying marginalised voices and fostering environments where both men and women can contribute equally and authentically to social development.

Mobilising men to engage in the work with gender equality

The need to include both men and women was also articulated by the informants as a significant problem. A government social worker revealed:

‘The new National Gender Policy promotes working with both men and women, since focusing only on women – though necessary due to past discrimination – left men out and caused problems. Now, both are educated together for a shared understanding of gender equality’. (D3C)

By engaging both men and women, the policy takes a holistic approach to gender equality. The social worker emphasises that lasting change requires the involvement of all stakeholders. Joint education fosters dialogue, challenges harmful norms and promotes shared responsibility, aligning with empowerment and anti-oppressive practice in social work.

Challenging cultural and gender norms

Informants observed that training programmes involving both men and women had to address cultural and gender norms to influence their behaviour. An informant from an NGO revealed:

‘With our training manual, we work with women and men to reflect on socially constructed gender roles and norms, showing which ones are harmful to both, especially women’. (D2G)

The accounts from informants emphasise the latter’s efforts to challenge and change cultural and gender norms affecting both men and women.

‘[. . .] The Gender Transformative Programme (GTP) usually runs for 17–21 weekly sessions, lasting about 5–6 months including preparation and follow-up. Yeah, it’s long-term, in-depth, and focused on driving real behaviour change’. (D2G)

NGO informants noted that changing behaviours and challenging deeply ingrained cultural and gender norms is a gradual process that takes time. Hence, the informants committed sufficient time to the programme.

Transforming men’s and women’s perceptions of masculinity and femininity

NGO informants described the change process as a transformative journey, with one outlining the strategy:

‘This approach works with both men and women, especially when a woman gains economic empowerment, like joining a cooperative. Yeah, we support the couple to prevent backlash, ensure the husband’s support, and avoid family conflicts, while examining power dynamics and rethinking masculinities and femininities’. (D2G)

The strategy enables men and women to realise that gender stereotypes hinder family socio-economic development.

NGO informants describe social change as a gradual process. They support couples throughout the programme with structured training materials that help men and women reflect on their own lives, recognise what needs to change and understand their roles in driving change:

‘We work to transform the mindset of men long seen as solely responsible for everything in the family – making decisions over their wives’ health, reproductive and sexual choices, harvest sales, and full control of money’. (D2F)

The work with men is crucial in helping them to change their long-held ideas on masculinity.

Educating couples on the meaning of gender equality

Government and CBO informants shared another measure: correcting misconceptions about gender equality. One from the Government stated:

‘When gender equality is misunderstood, some men shift all responsibilities to women once they earn income, creating pressure when it is insufficient for the family’s needs. So, we address this misconception to ensure gender equality is seen not as a threat to men but as a tool to strengthen family wellbeing’. (D2E)

Changing mindsets requires long, structured work to capture progress at every step.

Another key initiative is involving men in community awareness: ‘Trained men become community activists who raise awareness on gender equality in daily life – sharing knowledge and testimony at work, in bars, and wherever they are with fellow friends – without needing formal gatherings’ (D3F).

Some NGOs encourage men who already support gender equality to act as messengers. These men voluntarily share the message with others in daily interactions. Once they change their own behaviour, they can influence peers, spread awareness, foster positive change that benefits both individuals and the wider community.

The strategy of changing mindsets and correcting misconceptions is also used with women by NGOs:

‘Another part of our program encourages women to fully understand economic empowerment. Some believe self-sufficiency means their husbands no longer matter, which may contribute to rising divorces, even if I have not done any research on this issue. We address these misconceptions to promote a proper understanding of empowerment and equality’. (D4A)

The informants noted that misconceptions about gender equality hinder progress, so some actors work to correct them. They stressed the need for women to fully understand empowerment and gender equality for themselves and society.

Upholding positive cultural and traditional norms

Some informants, after examining family dynamics, gender roles and development, chose to uphold cultural traditions, especially in rural areas, promoting community initiatives that value elders’ wisdom in solving family issues. A government social worker said:

‘In our area, we involved the elders in addressing family conflicts after realizing young local leaders were not trusted, as one man refused to confide in them for being too young to solve marital conflicts. The elders visit families, listen, and guide them to common ground, and since then, few conflicts have required resolution through formal laws or punishments’. (D1A)

The informants highlighted the indigenisation strategy in social work, which engages community members with greater social and cultural influence than local leaders.

Another government informant confirmed this:

‘A community-based approach here fosters solidarity, support, and care to protect families, aiming for stability and harmony. It innovatively draws on the integrity and wisdom of the elders’. (D1D)

Another community-based initiative used cultural norms to support couples in conflict, saying:

‘We were trained by local leaders to solve family problems within CBOs but realized some couples won’t share issues publicly. As CBO president, I learned of some family problems privately and informed local authorities. We then elected trusted people who swore confidentiality and voluntarily assist couples. This committee has been effective in helping couples resolve conflicts and reunite without going to court’. (D5E)

The informants stressed that community initiatives driven by empathy and positive cultural norms are vital for supporting couples and achieving gender equality.

A government informant validated the CBO’s excellent work:

‘Community members elected trusted, friendly individuals who visit couples in conflict, build trust, keep confidentiality, and help resolve issues. Their support has reduced conflicts, encouraged mutual help in families, and led many couples to formalize marriages after gender equality training under the same CBO’. (D5C)

Some informants involved community members in finding solutions, describing this as an effective local strategy for gender equality.

Discussion

This article aimed to analyse how actors define problems and formulate strategies to promote gender equality in Rwanda and to examine the role of social workers as potential intermediaries in translating national gender policies into local practices. The findings addressed the research questions and contributed evidence supporting the aim.

Using Bacchi’s WPR approach, the findings reveal that gender inequality in rural and urban Rwanda is represented by different actors from Government institutions, NGOs and CBOs not as a single problem but as several interconnected issues requiring different strategies. The problem representations are defined as gender-based violence, women’s disempowerment, social and economic exclusion and marginalisation of cultural and traditional norms while implementing gender equality programmes.

Actors from mainly NGOs in urban areas defined the problem as a manifestation of GBV. This perspective represents GBV as a fundamental barrier to achieving gender equality. The reasoning is that without addressing this violence, which is seen as a symptom of a deeper power imbalance, true equality cannot be achieved. The strategies here, such as educating youth on the causes and consequences of GBV and using a ‘gender transformative approach’ with violent men, are designed to solve the problem of GBV directly. The goal is to create a society free from violence, which is considered a prerequisite for achieving gender equality. This strategy implicitly defines gender equality as a state of being free from interpersonal violence. Previous studies have documented that despite progress, challenges remain, including societal norms and family violence (Niyonzima and Bayu, 2023). Therefore, as the results show, the actors from NGOs apply different strategies by being reflexive and reflective in implementing policies to end GBV as a defined problem on the ground (Bacchi, 2010). NGOs apply specifically a gender transformative approach and engage men to achieve gender equality while government institutions supervise mainly how legal frameworks and guidelines are followed.

Other informants representing the government, including social workers and NGO actors in both rural and urban areas, represent the problem as gender inequality rooted in women’s historical disadvantage and disempowerment. The solution, in this framing, begins with women’s empowerment through legal measures and capacity-building, seen as essential before equality can be achieved. Supporting women’s empowerment to address these inequities reflects the social work profession’s commitment to social justice, empowerment and equity rather than simply equality in numbers. However, focusing only on women created backlash and misconceptions around gender equality, with men feeling excluded or shifting all household responsibilities to women. Wendoh and Wallace (2005) noted that the ‘foreign-ness’ nature and lack of ownership of the gender equality agenda often cause resistance, from rejection and scepticism to superficial displays of support without real understanding.

To solve this problem, some NGOs introduced a strategy involving both men and women, to correct the misconceptions, and foster shared understanding of gender equality. This strategy of engaging men is documented in previous research as successful in bringing significant impact on their lives and the lives of their families (Jobert, 2023), and education plays a crucial role in shaping attitudes towards gender equality, particularly among men (Flood, 2020; Niyonkuru and Barrett, 2021; Niyonzima and Bayu, 2023). Inclusion strategies involve engaging men as community activists and supporting couples in rethinking masculinity and femininity. This approach implicitly represents the problem as one of communication, education and mindset, suggesting that behavioural change is key. From social workers’ accounts, the shift towards engaging both men and women, as introduced in the Revised National Gender Policy 2021 is critical and reflects social work’s anti-oppressive practice and the value of inclusivity (Saxena and Chandrapal, 2022), ensuring collective responsibility for gender equality without marginalising any group. Previous studies further found that such inclusion programmes resulted in reduced GBV, improvements in women’s experiences of physical and sexual intimate partner violence, positive health outcomes, a reduction in men’s dominance in decision-making in the home, improved couple relations and improvements in the household divisions of labour (Doyle et al., 2023).

Other views of actors from government institutions, NGOs and CBOs that are in rural areas represent the problem as a neglect of positive cultural norms. They argue that modern, external approaches fail to fit the local context. The solution is to uphold cultural wisdom, empower elders’ voices and run community-based initiatives led by trusted locals. The problem is thus framed as reliance on one-size-fits-all, external solutions that overlook indigenous knowledge, or as stated by Wendoh and Wallace (2005), as a misunderstanding of the African societies.

The solution focused on local ownership and the use of traditional wisdom to foster stable and healthy families, which are seen as a foundation for gender equality. This strategy is applied by CBOs that are more active in rural areas where cultural values of solidarity, communality and connectedness are still strong (Mayaka et al., 2023). This practice aligns with Omojemite et al.’s (2024) statement highlighting the critical role of interdisciplinary collaboration and collective action in advancing inclusive society and in tackling gender stereotyping and social norms to promote gender equality and social justice. Involving elders in family conflict resolution highlights the value of indigenisation and culturally responsive practice, reinforcing social work’s commitment to grounding interventions in local traditions for greater relevance and community ownership. Respecting community values and strengths aligns with the principle of self-determination and avoids imposing external solutions (Spitzer, 2017; Twikirize and Spitzer, 2019). Furthermore, relying on elders highlights social work’s emphasis on prevention, dialogue and restorative approaches over punitive measures, reinforcing interventions at the family, community and policy levels.

The involvement of community members, especially of the elders, is an invitation to policy makers and social workers involved in policy formulation and implementation to devise strategies for culturally adapted, gender transformative strategies when implementing gender policy and gender equality programmes that are context specific (Twikirize and Spitzer, 2019).

Thus, the work with gender equality should focus on understanding processes of change in practice and strategies to achieve change (Bhattacharya et al., 2009) to address the problem representations and the silenced or taken-for-granted problems (Bacchi, 2009). The silenced side of the work with gender equality in Rwanda could be that efforts risk focusing on women’s representation in public jobs rather than strategies to transform traditional behaviours sustaining inequality (Abbott and Malunda, 2016; Debusscher and Ansoms, 2013).

Implications for practice

Guided by the profession’s core values of social justice and social change (Saxena and Chandrapal, 2022), social work practice in Rwanda should promote societies where men and women have equal access to resources, rights and respect, while reducing cultural injustice and socio-economic disparities. Social workers interviewed emphasised the importance of aligning with these principles and integrating indigenous knowledge, as affirmed in the definition of the profession (IFSW IASSW, 2014).

Thus, this article contributes by expanding the role of social work in the implementation of gender policies, emphasising the importance of culturally grounded, collaborative and inclusive approaches to advancing gender equality. It further offers a framework that connects national policy, local practice and community realities in Rwanda, while also providing insights that can inform wider global debates on gender equality and social work.

Study limitations

This qualitative article used purposive sampling in five of Rwanda’s 30 districts, which enabled in-depth exploration of gender equality strategies but restricted the generalisability of findings. Of the 38 actors interviewed, only three were social workers, since other professions often take on roles traditionally associated with social work. This challenge highlights a gap in fully appreciating their contribution in implementing the National Gender Policy and gender equality initiatives. The article focuses on strategies used by actors rather than their lived experiences of gender (in-)equality. Given Rwanda’s unique historical and socio-political context, future research should examine impacts, sustainability and recruitment of more social workers to support in translating the National Gender Policy into contextually relevant practice.

Conclusion

This article aimed to analyse how actors define problems and formulate strategies to promote gender equality in Rwanda and to examine the role of social workers as potential intermediaries in translating national gender policies into local practices.

In conclusion, the results demonstrate that gender equality in Rwanda is not addressed through a single, unified framework but rather through diverse representations shaped by the perspectives of government institutions, NGOs and CBOs. The findings highlight four dominant framings: gender-based violence as a central barrier; women’s empowerment as a correction to historical disadvantage; men’s engagement to foster inclusivity; and the importance of indigenising approaches by drawing on cultural wisdom and community-based practices. Each framing informs distinct strategies, ranging from legal reforms and educational programmes to transformative interventions and the revitalisation of indigenous knowledge.

Thus, the pursuit of gender equality in Rwanda requires a multi-layered and collaborative effort where social workers can play a central role in aligning national policies with lived realities. By embracing both global frameworks and local practices, Rwanda can continue to advance towards a more equitable society, where gender equality is grounded in justice, cultural relevance and sustainable social change (Ghosh et al., 2024). Given that community work is central to social work in East Africa (Spitzer, 2017), the involvement of more social workers in gender equality efforts, particularly in rural areas where community ties and indigenous practices remain strong (Mayaka et al., 2023), is essential to inform social policy with culturally informed provisions.