Perspectives on being mothered and on negotiating the transition to motherhood: A qualitative study of low-income single mothers in Botswana

Abstract

This study explored the different circumstances that single, low-income women from Botswana had to navigate in childhood with their own mothers and how they experienced and negotiated motherhood as single mothers living in poverty. Grounded in a constructionist paradigm and in literature on motherhood as a practice, discourse, and social identity that is constructed in the intersecting contexts of culture, class, ethnicity, and gender, in-depth data were gathered in semi-structured interviews with 15 women living in a rural region in Botswana. Women felt unprepared for motherhood and struggled in this role, yet they also viewed motherhood as transforming.

Introduction

According to Walker (1995), motherhood covers diverse activities such as the act of childbirth, physical care, emotional care and involvement (nurturing, loving), as well as the socialization or transmission of the society’s values, including those that deal with gender and kinship relations. As a form of collective identity, it encompasses both the critical role the mother plays in a child’s welfare and well-being and the roles and expectations of being mothers (Oyewumi, 2003).

Motherhood takes place in intersecting structures of culture, class, race, and gender (Dieng and O’Reilly, 2020; Townsend, 2008). Another critical context of mothering involves how a woman was raised and cared for by her own parents in childhood (Townsend, 2008). As such, women who are mothers are diverse in terms of their life experiences with parents; the larger contexts of culture, class, and race; and their current contexts and social status as women. Feminist scholars, for instance, have argued that normative motherhood is policed (Donzelot, 1979) as psychological and moral discourses define what is ‘good’ mothering. Women who do not follow the norm or what is viewed as ‘good’ are often blamed (Nettleton, 1991). In most cases, those who are blamed are women who are single and with low income, who are battered and depressed (Bifulco and Thomas, 2013), and who lack knowledge and skills of correct child rearing (Nettleton, 1991). Since they are low-income women, divorced, unmarried, and young or are depressed or use substances (Bifulco and Thomas, 2013), they lack resources and are viewed as incapable of practicing motherhood. For women in these contexts, ‘motherhood is construed as problematic’ . . . as they ‘do not bring up children in the “right” circumstances at the “right” time’ (Woollett and Marshall, 2000: 313). Low-income women who continue to have children out of wedlock are viewed as a problem. They are often judged as if they have contributed to their circumstances rather than seeing them as having problems and living in contexts that are largely outside their control.

Despite the negative circumstances that some mothers might find themselves in, they might also find comfort, pride, and satisfaction in motherhood (Edin and Kefalas, 2007). Phoenix and Woollett (1991) argue that young women with limited opportunities might see motherhood both as an achievement and as an opportunity with mothers actively negotiating the challenges they and their children face. Marginalized women can and do demonstrate resilience in the face of adversity and try their level best to provide care to their children. Women are often the prime movers in the health and welfare of their children (Nettleton, 1991). Understanding how marginalized single, low-income women experience and negotiate caring for their own children is therefore a critical first step in understanding what supports and interventions may make a difference for women, children, and whole families.

Little systematic research has been undertaken on how African women experience single motherhood and poverty, and the contexts that influence how they negotiate being mothers. According to Barbara Christian (1982), a well-known feminist, the experience of motherhood in Africa is largely an ‘unwritten story’. The few studies that have been done in the region are mostly from South Africa (Dale, 2012; Moore, 2013; Robinson, 2016). In Botswana, there is scarcity of studies focusing on motherhood. No study has engaged mothers in understanding their experiences of being mothered and their perspectives on how they transitioned into motherhood themselves. Engaging the mothers to reflect and speak of their experiences is considered a significant factor in changing the myths and social reality (Bassin et al., 1994) as it allows for grounding their experiences in their context without having to rely on the Western myth (Kruger, 2003). Since motherhood is not a homogeneous experience, it is therefore necessary to explore women’s lived experiences of motherhood from diverse backgrounds (Dale, 2012).

This article draws on qualitative data to understand the experiences that low-income, single mothers from Botswana had with their own mothers and their perspectives on how they transitioned into and negotiated motherhood. As illustrated by Walker (1995), ‘. . . to theorize “the mother” involves more than intellectual energy – it also involves an engagement with one’s own intimate experiences of being mothered and, in many cases, of mothering’ (p. 419). The article addresses two questions: ‘What do low-income, single Batswana women perceive their experiences with their own mothers in childhood?’ and ‘How do low-income, single Batswana women experience and negotiate motherhood?’ These experiences are situated within the literature on motherhood as a practice, discourse, and social identity that is constructed in the intersecting contexts of culture, class, ethnicity, and gender. Understanding the perspectives of low-income, single Batswana women on their own experiences of being mothered and how they experienced and negotiated the transition into motherhood is the first critical step to inventions that seek to address their needs as women and mothers and the needs of their children and families.

The life course model whose focus is on how varying events and transitions, and their timing in the lives of individuals, affect families and how they influence the life course trajectories of individuals was used in this study (Heinz et al., 2009). It was used to ‘understand social pathways, their developmental effects, and their relation to personal and social-historical conditions’ (Elder et al., 2003: 7). The life course model explains how the women’s lives unfolded, showing a continuum of experiences and interactions from childhood to adulthood, and how the events and transitions affected their life course trajectories.

Concept of motherhood

Akujobi (2011) defines motherhood ‘as a moral transformation whereby a woman comes to terms with being different in that she ceases to be an autonomous individual because she is one way or the other attached to another – her baby’ (p. 2). According to Akujobi, motherhood is shaped by social context and culture. Culturally, motherhood is what the society prescribes what a mother should be, while religiously it is viewed as the practice of faith of a particular society (Akujobi, 2011). In Africa, motherhood is a central role and core part of women’s identities (Walker, 1995).

African mothers are ‘the pivot of family life’ (Campbell, 1990). Their roles and responsibilities are to nurture, to preserve, and to protect (Walker, 1995). Stephens (2013) describes motherhood as the cherished self-identity of many African women. In African societies, it is only after childbirth that a woman can express her womanhood to the full. This is encouraged by the patriarchal system that views a woman for her reproductive purpose (Akujobi, 2011). As a result, motherhood and mothering are tangled with a woman’s identity. This explains why a barren woman is seen as incomplete. Mbiti (1990), for instance, observed that a barren woman is the

dead end of human life, not only for genealogical level but also for herself. It is only after a woman has shown her fertility that she gains the ‘halo of maternity’, and can acquire the motherhood status, hence can be accepted in the society and have high self-esteem. (p. 144)

Therefore, in Africa, motherhood is all about children. Kaplan (1992) argues that motherhood revolves around the practice of mothering, the discourse of motherhood, and her social identity.

Motherhood is a sacred and powerful spiritual path for a woman to take. It is experienced, practiced, and influenced by religious mythologies and local lore, where motherhood is viewed as self-sacrifice/giving. Mothers are well regarded as ‘creators, providers, cradle rockers, nurturers, and goddesses’ and also admired for the responsibilities and power they have over their children’s lives. The centrality of motherhood in African society is underscored by the notion seen as the self-sacrifice they show. Mbiti (1990), however, views motherhood as ‘a joyful and privileged state for the woman’; hence, her primary focus is that of motherhood irrespective of the skills or talents. Motherhood therefore is perceived as sacred as it is a God given role.

Although motherhood revolves around the woman, women do not necessarily have power as they are under the auspices of male dominance (Posel, 1991). Men are viewed as the head of the household. Although social changes have shifted this thinking, many African families do not conform to this. Women have the respect and authority that is rendered to them by virtue of their role as mothers within the household. And, in this role, family can offer feminine fulfillment in the domestic sphere (Maroney, 1985). At the same time, mothers’ roles in the domestic sphere and their accomplishments in caring for and raising children should be accorded its due importance. Moreover, mothers should be officially recognized for their accomplishments and efforts in the public domain and in providing for themselves, their children, and their families.

Methods

This article is based on data that were collected from low-income, never-married mothers in Botswana. The study was guided by the constructivism paradigm which relies on the participants’ views of the situation and on capturing the participants’ voices as they describe their experiences and reconstruct their realities (Savin-Baden and Major, 2013). Data were collected using a narrative approach, which relies on the spoken words of individuals as they tell their life stories. This allowed participants to express themselves as they gave detailed chronological accounts of events and transitions they have experienced (Creswell, 2013). This approach allowed for probing, body language reading which provided thick descriptions about participants’ experiences (Yegidis and Weinbach, 1996).

The study was conducted in a rural setting of Botswana, a country in the Southern part of Africa. Villages and the participants were purposively selected. Purposive sampling involves the researcher selecting individuals they believe will yield a comprehensive understanding of the study subject (Creswell, 2013). Local gatekeepers (church and village leaders/elders) helped to identify potential participants and facilitated this purposive selection. Prior to sampling, the researcher obtained institutional review board (IRB) approval at the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign and a permit from the Botswana Ministry of Local Government. Participants retained the right to withdraw from the study at any time. Oral consent was preferred to signing forms, which might be intimidating for participants as signing documents is perceived as legally binding.

To participate in the study, the participants had to be low-income women (those living at or below the poverty datum line [PDL]) (Government of Botswana, 2015); have dependent children; never married; and willing to share their lived experiences. The mothers’ average age at the time of the interview was 37 years. The participants choose an interview setting they preferred and felt safe to share their experiences without fear of other people eavesdropping. These included participants’ homes and church buildings. Interviews were conducted in Setswana and translated to English after the themes were identified. Interviews lasted between 40 and 90 minutes. The interview was in two sections: first, the Adverse Childhood Experiences International Questionnaire (ACE-IQ), which assesses abuse, neglect, domestic violence, and other household dysfunction and community violence in early life, followed by an in-depth interview where the participants were asked to share their lived experiences from childhood to the current time.

Data analysis

Recorded interviews were transcribed verbatim; reconstructed post-interview transcripts served for non-recorded interviews. To prevent misinterpretations of the meanings, the coding and analysis were conducted in Setswana, the language used for interviews. The researcher analyzed the data manually as recommended by Saldaña (2016) for small-scale research studies. Data analysis was an iterative process and included categorizing and connecting the stories (Maxwell, 2012). It was an interactive process where the researcher made meanings and interpreted what was shared by the women. This interactive process allowed for the researcher to discover multiple views of reality and seek explanations for any discrepancies (Lincoln and Guba, 1985).

Data analyses focused on themes that emerged with regard to women’s experiences in childhood and their experiences as mothers. As the mothers shared their experiences, they illustrated how they were mothered and how they practice motherhood. These findings were integrated with mothers’ responses to the ACE-IQ. To enhance the study’s rigor, peer debriefing, thick descriptions, triangulation, and reflective journaling were used during data gathering and analysis (Creswell, 2013; Maxwell, 2012).

Results

The results are organized around the study’s two main research questions: ‘What do low-income, single Batswana women perceive their experiences with their own mothers in childhood?’ and ‘How do low-income, single Batswana women experience and negotiate motherhood?’

Childhood experiences of single low-income Batswana women

Findings from ACE-IQ revealed that the majority of mothers did not complete the 9 years’ basic education. Adverse childhood experiences reported by the mothers included abuse, neglect, parental loss, and being raised in unsupportive extended family households, as well as domestic violence. Mothers also spoke of these experiences in their narrative interviews. The theme of neglect and lack of supervision was prominent, often reflected in quotes such as

My mother was not always available. I took care of my younger siblings, cook and do their laundry. She came home at night and drank. (Shelly, aged 36)

Loss and absence were other themes that emerged. Kedibonye, who lost her mother at age 10, remarked, for instance,

I do not know a mother’s love. She was never there.

Some mothers shared their sentiments that they felt they were a ‘mistake child’, meaning that their own mothers had not planned to have them. These mothers reported that their own mothers never cared for them. Moreover, they linked the lack of caring and connection with their mothers to their view that their mothers did not value the status of motherhood. They also reported that their mothers were not involved and did not care for their well-being. Overall, they did not feel that their mothers portrayed any characteristics of a good mother as they were absent for long periods of time. If and when they were around, they noted that their mothers spent time abusing alcohol or paying attention to their boyfriends at their expense. This is illustrated by the following quotes of the mothers who longed to be attached with their mothers, who however couldn’t care less:

I only saw my mother during Christmas holidays. At times she will bring new clothes. Even then, she did not spend time with me. She will go out a lot. (Peggy, aged 42)

Whenever I asked for something, or help from my mother, she will tell me to do as I always do in her absence. (Kese, aged 46)

Although some participants reported that though their mothers worked away from the village, they still sent money home and would occasionally come to check on them. Thirty-five-year-old Masa was an example. She stayed with her grandmother, who was not so fond of her:

My mother worked away from the village. She sent money for food and came to check me every other month. Every time she came, I was excited as she will cook and do my laundry. Whenever she left, grandma will scold me saying that I am spoiled.

In this quote, Masa’s mother was not available for long periods of time. However, whenever she was around, the child felt her presence and felt loved, something she did not feel with her grandmother who was caring for her on a regular basis.

Other mothers whose own mothers were absent when they were young felt that their mothers were embarrassed to be mothers and hence the avoidance of connecting with them. This is captured by Segametsi, who was raised by her grandmother, when she said,

My mother would get angry with me if I referred to her as my mother. She wanted me to call her by her name. This hurt me as I would be excited for her presence.

Mothers also indicated that, during childhood, they were exposed to domestic violence. They narrated the trauma of being exposed to emotional and physical aggression. What was disheartening from their narratives was the fact that their mothers seemed not to care as they would not bother to provide comfort through all this aggression. Malebogo stated,

Whenever my mother’s boyfriend started his physical aggressions, mother would run away and not protect me. The aggressor would then turn to me.

The same sentiments were aired by the mothers who were staying with their grandparents. They reported that the emotional aggression and deprivation or neglect was part of their reality. Their experiences varied as some reported being hit while others had to endure the verbal abuse. This is captured by Shelly, aged 36:

My grandfather called me a bastard, and that I finish his food. He shouted that I should go to my father’s place. This was painful as I did not even know who my father was.

The above narration indicates that the majority of the mothers were deprived of their mother’s love as evidenced in their experiences of neglect, abuse, and exposure to domestic violence. In that regard, the mothers had a negative perspective on motherhood in their childhood. It is also worthy to note that the perspective that the mothers are sharing might be influenced by the circumstances that their mothers were raising them in. For instance, the majority were born out of wedlock and their mothers faced challenges raising them as they were living in poverty. In most cases, their mothers stayed in town away from the children and relied on their partners to provide for both of their basic needs. In such cases, therefore, their mothers did not have much power to discuss how the resources were used; as such, they would neglect the children who were staying in the village with grandmothers or other relatives.

Mothers’ transition into and experiencing their own motherhood

The mothers reported trajectories which they have experienced which might be due to the cumulative impact of experiences from childhood. The women’s narratives indicated that they lived in poverty and faced food insecurity which they say has exposed them to intimate partner violence due to economic dependency. In addition, the mothers engaged in risky behaviors such as alcohol abuse. Poor health was another adulthood adversity that the mothers dealt with. A majority were HIV-positive. In adulthood, the mothers reported multiple losses and trauma: child death as well as parental death. In cases of parental death, they indicated that having had an altered and problematic relationship with their mothers, the grieving was complicated as the relationship was already strained from childhood, as they felt their mothers never practiced motherhood. Singlehood panic was another challenge that the mothers complained about. As the mothers went on trying to practice motherhood, it was under these adverse experiences they were dealing with.

All of the mothers experienced early sexual debut, as evidenced in reports of having engaged in sexual relations before their 18th birthday. Although they claimed that these relationships were consensual, legally they were not recognized as able to give consent. Several circumstances propelled the mothers to early sexual debut. The vulnerability and their economic pressures drew them to older men whose goal was to have sexual relations. This is illustrated by the following quote:

We were poor, and did not have much at home. A man proposed that if I date him, he will provide for me, and I ended up pregnant. Then he wanted nothing to do with me. (Basetsana, aged 33; first child at 15)

The promises they were given by men lured them into an early sexual debut. With no experience in dating and sexual matters, the mothers reported that they did not know anything about contraceptives as sex talk was taboo in their households. Their first experiences of engaging in sexual intercourse were unprotected, resulting in pregnancy. Faced with childrearing struggles with limited resources, risky sexual behaviors became a norm in their lives. For them, engaging in relationships was a way of survival as the men provided for them and their children. As such, there was no point in time that the mothers would be without a partner. Motherhood responsibilities therefore forced the mothers to continuously engage in risky sexual behaviors. This is illustrated by the following quotes:

I had no option. Thinking of the hunger that I go through with my children, so I would do as he says; no condoms during sexual encounters. He was providing for me and my children. (Basetsana, aged 33)

What would I give my children? If I propose safe sex, he will get angry, and tell me that he will chase us away; me and my children. The thought of having no place to stay and no food for the children, I would just give in to his demands. (Masa, aged 35)

Due to engaging in these behaviors, they had more babies as they had no leverage to negotiate condom use with their partners. In some cases, they reported that they had more babies in a relationship to show commitment:

He asked me to prove my love to him by having his baby, so I did. (Portia, aged 42)

He wanted me to have more babies to show that I am committed in the relationship. I loved him, so I had more children. (Kese, aged 46)

Childbirth was a transforming experience for mothers. They reported that although they did not plan to have children, the moment they had the child, the experience changed their lives. They reported excitement when they had their first children. The following quotes capture their remarks of being a mother:

I can’t imagine that I brought life on this earth. I like being a mother. It makes me happy. (Kese, aged 46; first child at 16)

I could not stop looking at my baby when she was put in my arms. It was mine. (Basetsana, aged 33; first child at 15)

Although there was this sense of accomplishment and fulfillment, mothers also alluded to a sense of inadequacy and anger as they struggled to provide for their children. Motherhood also came as a struggle for mothers. Basetsana with the expression of hopelessness acknowledged the difficulties she faces as a mother:

Life is difficult. At times I don’t know what to do when there is no food in the house.

I love my children. I will do anything for them. But I won’t lie, life is hard. At times I don’t know what to feed them. (Segopotso, aged 47)

The majority of mothers underscored repeatedly that although transitioning into early motherhood came as a shock and brought with it hardships as they practiced it, their children give them joy and played a central role in their lives:

I might not have much to offer my children. Just being around them makes me happy. I tell them to study hard in school. (Segopotso, aged 47)

My daughters are my world . . . I focus all my energy on my children. (Mareledi, aged 39)

The fulfillment they derived from motherhood, however, was not without challenges. As indicated above, the mothers had to endure partner violence and were exposed to unprotected sex. They also reported engaging in risky behaviors as a way of coping. Such behaviors included substance use as noted in the quote below:

The violence from my partner was unbearable, and failing to provide for my children was painful for me, so I turned to alcohol, hoping I would forget my worries and struggles. (Segopotso, aged 47)

At the same time, the mothers expressed a desire to be present for their children and to meet their needs. Despite the numbing they got from alcohol, they reported that when sober, the realities of motherhood as a provider will be in front of them and they had to ensure that they fulfill that whatever the circumstances.

Another common theme was that motherhood gave women an adult identity and a normative fulfillment of what is considered female destiny:

I am called by my first-born child’s name; you just don’t call me by my first name. (Kese, aged 46)

I am referred to as Mma-Wame. I am respected. I am no longer a girl. (Masa, aged 35)

Traditionally, as a way of respect, a female is addressed by her first-born child’s name and not her first name. This name acknowledges the woman’s status as a mother. For the women, this acknowledgment gave them a sense of self-esteem as mothers.

Despite having limited resources to fulfill their children’s and their own needs, mothers alluded that going to urban areas for opportunities was not an option for them. The fear of leaving their children with grandparents made them reluctant to relocate. They reported that thinking of their childhood, and how they were mistreated by their own mothers, grandparents, and other extended family members and being raised in unstable environments, made them not want to put their children through the same experience. As shown by the quotes below, the motherhood badge was a fulfilling role and identity:

Who can raise my kids better than me? People in town struggle, they are not better than us in the rural areas. (Portia, aged 42)

I cannot put my children through the same trauma I went through growing up. If life was better in town, I would have gone, but things are difficult there. So I make ends meet here in the rural area. (Masa, aged 35)

They indicated that they loved their children and would not want to see them experiencing the hardships they went through when they were growing up. Several mothers reported that they try to ensure that their children’s needs are met even though employment prospects are not there in rural areas. They noted that migrating to town was also a challenge as there is no one to care for the children while they work and there are no affordable childcare services. Some of the mothers indicated that they have relocated before and that it did not work for them. They reported that urban areas are unaffordable as one has to pay for rent, food, daily transport for the children to go to school, and other expenses. As a result, they have decided that staying in rural areas is cost-effective as one does not have to pay for rent or for transport:

I can make more money if in town, than what I make now. But, who would I leave my children with? I am better off with my children than letting another person play the mother role to them, not when I am still alive. (Segopotso, aged 47; nine children)

I was raised by my grandmother. I know the feeling of being left without your mother. She did not want me to call her mum. The pain is unbearable. So I can’t be without my child exposing them to that same experience, I will struggle with her here. (Segametsi, aged 23)

The childhood trauma that the majority of the mothers reported made them opt to stay in rural areas as opposed to seeking employment in town leaving their children behind. Furthermore, the high cost of life in town was another barrier for them to seek better opportunities in town as they were aware that with their level of education, they would not attract a better salary to make life in town bearable.

Discussion

This qualitative study explored the experiences of mothering and motherhood among low-income, single mothers from Botswana. It contextualized findings within the larger literature on motherhood as a practice, discourse, and a social identity that is constructed in the intersecting contexts of culture, class, ethnicity, and gender. Robinson (2016) illustrates that motherhood ideologies are influenced by the cultural and historical context.

The life course framework examined the mothers’ experiences and explored how these experiences shaped their current experiences and interactions. It demonstrates that timing and sequencing of transitions and events can alter an individual’s life (Elder, 1998). The mothers went through trajectories which include transitions and experiences. They also experienced transitions which are changes in state, role, and/or status or identity, which had implications on how they mothered their children. Some of the transitions were off time, thus influencing later life adversities. Some of the turning points that the mothers experienced were the focus that they had in mothering their children as they reported it was a source of satisfaction and gave them a sense of self-esteem.

The mothers’ testimonies indicated that their own mothers abdicated the role of mothering. Some did not even want to be considered or labeled as mothers. Some mothers noted that they were ‘mistake’ children, meaning that they had not been planned or wanted. These are all painful experiences for a young child to grow up under, especially since children’s own sense of selfhood and identity stem in part from how they are seen by their caregivers (Bifulco and Thomas, 2013). Importantly, children are fundamentally dependent on their caregivers for survival.

Motherhood is said to include emotional caring and bonding with children. Findings showed that the mothers felt unsupported as there was limited emotional and financial support resulting in disengaged cohesion between parents/guardians and children. As illustrated by McGoldrick et al. (2011), ‘all human problems are framed by the formative course of our family’s past, the present tasks it is trying to master, and the future to which it aspires’ (p. 1). This quote indicates that one’s history and context have an influence on one’s perspective and the meanings one makes. Mothers did not experience the emotional caring, bonding, and protection from their own mothers. Since they were continually neglected, they felt unsafe and had no one to comfort them. The main childhood themes, then, illustrate that women’s experiences with their own mothers were not a good experience.

Absent parents and an inability to meet children’s needs affect an individual’s life and social status (Bifulco and Thomas, 2013). The finding that mothers had only achieved the basic level of education is likely one effect that neglect had on the mothers. Lower levels of education are unfortunately common in Botswana among people coming from poor households. According to Siphambe (2003), ‘with the children of the poor unable to attend school because of the poverty of their parents, it is likely that poverty will be passed on to the next generation’ (p. 4), an indication that intergenerational transmission of poverty is common. At the same time, mothers showed resilience in childhood. They persevered and, in the face of considerable adversity, fended for themselves or became caregivers of other siblings in their families even though they did not feel loved or wanted.

Nonetheless, without the necessary support for their own needs, some of the mothers drifted out of school due to a lack of financial support and poor performance. They hence had limited employable skills. Many engaged in sexual relations before their 18th birthday. Their vulnerability and need for love coupled with economic pressures may have led them to older men who sought out sexual relations. With no experience or support, mothers knew little about contraceptives or sex talk; hence, their first sexual intercourse resulted in pregnancy. The mothers were thus still children needing support and guidance when they entered motherhood off time and were unprepared for it.

When childbirth is an off-timed transition, it tends to be coupled with adversities, as was evident in this study. Teenage childbearing is a risk factor for poor developmental and social outcomes (Coley and Chase-Lansdale, 1998) as it restricts options for growth, amplifies environmental adversity, strains coping and social support structures, and forces individuals to enter less advantageous situations (Bifulco and Thomas, 2013). Such a turning point in life is characterized by a developmental challenge that requires some model of adaptation. Similarly to Dale’s (2012) study, the mothers in this study indicated that there was a shift in their life as they transitioned from womanhood to motherhood, as this represented growing up.

Trapped in motherhood responsibilities at an early age therefore propelled the mothers to transition into adulthood earlier, at a time when they were not ready. As they transitioned, they reported little familial support and financial constraints. Early adversities, especially a lack of support, persisted, leaving women to fend for themselves and their children. Friedan (1963) argues that giving birth is a source of women’s subordination and oppression. Subordination of women is related to the responsibilities and requirements to nurture the children as they have extended periods of dependency. Benjamin (1988) argues that this way of viewing motherhood prohibits mothers from practicing their individuality as their rights are not recognized. As such, the mothers may feel inferior and lack self-confidence.

Despite poor support and little space for their own dreams, mothers practiced motherhood and expressed the desire to ensure that their children’s basic needs were met. As narrated by them, having children was a turning point in their lives as it helped them to be refocused and to find purpose in life. Dale (2012) indicates that this transition represents maturity and a sense of pride in having to care for another person. The mothers also gained social status as they are referred to by their children’s name instead of their first names.

Findings in this study report similar sentiments raised by poor women in Edin and Kefalas’ (2007) study in economically marginal neighborhoods across Philadelphia, USA, where the mothers felt they had a purpose in life and a validation. As they practice motherhood, they may attain self-respect in understanding what it entails to be a woman (Inhorn and Van Balen, 2002). Motherhood may thus help ensure that mothers became members of the social group of women as they have proved their fertility. As noted by Hollos and Larsen (2008), motherhood may also help women to feel whole as they are fulfilling the normative goal of a woman’s life cycle. As illustrated by Phoenix and Woollett (1991), ‘motherhood is generally seen as an essential stage in women’s adult development and as providing them with a central identity as adults’ (p. 28). Despite the diminishing marriage prospects, the mothers continue to practice motherhood without support of the fathers, as single parenthood is becoming the norm for many African women (Hosegood et al., 2009). This shows their resilience as they continue to show commitment and prioritization in ensuring that their children’s needs are met.

As mothers transitioned into the practice of motherhood when they were young, they continued to face many difficulties, including educational and economic disadvantages. While this worked to maintain difficult pathways ahead, including living in poverty and inadequate provision, motherhood also opened an opportunity for women to feel more whole and to begin to conceive of different pathways forward. While women continued to experience ongoing challenges in parenting and with providing economically for their children and themselves, women did not want to have their own children go through what they experienced in childhood. They found some purpose and commitment in motherhood and some status in carrying their child’s name. The terms of negation thus appeared to change compared with their own mothers in that these mothers were willing to sacrifice by not moving to an urban area in order to give the children a different childhood than they themselves experienced.

Although it can be assumed that the motherhood role is not the sole responsibility of the mother (Robinson, 2016), motherhood does encompass collective mothering where child care is shared within the extended family (Magwaza, 2003). These sentiments were not shared by all the mothers as witnessed through their unwillingness to let other people care for their children. This also illustrates how the mothers held dearly to the practice of motherhood as extending not only to economic provision but to nurturing care as well (Sudarkasa, 2004).

Conclusion

While our findings underscore the pervasive and long-time effects of adverse childhood experiences on women, it also pointed to areas of change. Mothers were grateful to share their motherhood experiences and felt validated when their voices were heard. They found meaning and status in their own motherhood and did not want their children to experience what they went through in childhood. The women’s motivation to be mothers and their not wanting past patterns to repeat in the present are important prerequisites for breaking cycles of neglect and abuse. Nonetheless, low-income Batswana women’s journey ahead as mothers will likely prove difficult, with more barriers and challenges. Low-income single mothers are a vulnerable group with a history of childhood trauma and are faced with life challenges. As they raise children in these circumstances, there is likelihood of intergenerational transmission of vulnerabilities to their children. It is therefore critical to design policies and ensure provision of social welfare services targeting families.

There is need for a family policy whose goals among others would be poverty reduction and income maintenance, direct compensation for the financial cost of raising children, fostering employment, and support for early childhood development (Thévenon, 2011). This would ensure that low-income mothers are able to support their children and help them stay in school, hence avoiding the vicious cycle of poverty. Policy makers should create and adopt a one-stop service for helping women to cope with and address their life stressors and challenges.

Social work practitioners, therefore, should enforce trauma-focused services, as well as preventive care, for those at risk or who have been exposed to trauma in their life course. Multiple problems that mothers face can compound each other and result in a vicious downward circle, so a one-stop woman’s center approach would be effective when working with them. Development and implementation of such programs can help with prevention of problems for families at risk, deal with intergenerational disadvantage, and improve women’s life course trajectories (Carroll, 2015).