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Abstract

Background:

The concept of children’s well-being is central to international child health agendas. Acquiring relevant cognitive and social-emotional skills during the formative years is key to shaping future mental health and preparing societies to be prosperous, sustainable and inclusive. Schools are ideally placed to foster a culture of well-being in addition to education, particularly as children refine their emotional skills during this stage of development. To gain insight into well-being at school, acknowledgement of children’s voices and perspective is imperative.

Objective:

This study sought to establish children’s perceptions of the school environment and how physical space influenced their sense of well-being.

Design:

Qualitative descriptive approach.

Setting:

Rural school in Ireland.

Method:

Four focus-group discussions were conducted with 21 children (aged 10–12 years). Reflexive thematic analysis was used to analyse the findings.

Results:

Children identified a correlation between their perceived well-being and the physical school environment. Outdoor spaces were associated with positive well-being, while indoor spaces were linked to negative well-being.

Conclusion:

The study findings carry policy and practice implications for teachers and administrators. To enhance well-being in the physical school space, attention must be given to outdoor play areas and surfaces, children’s physical comfort and well-structured break times. In addition, well-being needs to be recognised as something that children experience and express in various ways; thus, paying close attention to the child’s voice is vital when researching matters that directly affect them.

Keywords

Children environment perceptions school well-being

Introduction

The World Health Organisation (WHO) and the UN Sustainable Development Goals (SDG) have prioritised children’s well-being. Childhood is a critical developmental stage marked by rapid brain growth (WHO, 2023). Acquiring cognitive and social-emotional skills such as self-awareness, self-regulation, social awareness, relationship skills and responsible decision-making in early childhood shapes future mental health and supports prosperous, sustainable and inclusive societies (Cefai et al., 2021). Prioritising children’s well-being can yield long-term benefits, fostering their success and lifelong contribution to society (Kellock, 2020).

The role of schools in promoting overall well-being is increasingly recognised, as over 90% of primary-aged children are enrolled in schools and spend most of their day in classrooms. Thus, the daily experience of teaching and learning can contribute substantially to well-being (WHO, 2024). Schools are seen as environments that develop the ‘whole child’, equipping them with cognitive, social and emotional skills to meet 21st century demands (Cefai et al., 2021).

Although well-being in childhood has been identified as being important, it has also been poorly defined (Powell et al., 2018; Runions et al., 2021). Scholars have endeavoured to provide insights into the concept by drawing attention to five domains: physical, psychological, cognitive, social and economic (Powell et al., 2018). However, within the field of health and well-being, rigid definitions are problematic, as scholarly views may not reflect individual perceptions (Blaskova and McLellan, 2018; Tobia et al., 2019). Well-being, which has been defined by WHO (2023) as a fluid, lifelong process in need of constant nourishment, is present when a person can realise their potential, cope with life’s everyday stresses, care for their physical health and feel a sense of purpose, connection and belonging (WHO, 2023).

Regarding children’s well-being at school, the literature emphasises that identifying and understanding the factors influencing well-being within the school environment is essential (Tapia-Fonllem et al., 2020). Research also highlights the importance of the school environment and its security in shaping well-being (Corominas et al., 2022; Runions et al., 2021; Tapia-Fonllem et al., 2020). Scholars suggest that bringing together all variables influencing well-being under the term ‘school environment’ would mark a significant advance in studying well-being at school (Tapia-Fonllem et al., 2020).

Within the school environment, significant value is frequently placed on relationships (Corominas et al., 2022; Kellock, 2020; Newland et al., 2019). Children desire a sense of belonging through friendships and feeling part of peer groups. They seek positive relationships with teachers, associating open, trusting connections with love and care (Blaskova and McLellan, 2018; Powell et al., 2018). Perceived negative relationships, such as peer bullying or conflict with teachers, are associated with negative well-being (Kutsar et al., 2019; Lundqvist et al., 2019; Newland et al., 2019).

Children seek to be heard and require engaging instruction, an appropriate learning pace, time for reflection and constructive, respectful discussion (Corominas et al., 2022; Kutsar et al., 2019; Newland et al., 2019). Ineffective communication harms well-being, leaving children to feel undervalued, neglected and incapable (Kutsar et al., 2019). Within the school, children often perceive the playground as a place for autonomous choices, free from adult direction (Lundqvist et al., 2019). Through free play, children communicate needs and desires with peers, develop nurturing relationships and gain a sense of well-being (Lundqvist et al., 2019). Although it may seem contradictory, children also value opportunities for withdrawal and comfort throughout the school day (Lundqvist et al., 2019). They seek moments away from large groups to relax and regain balance (Lundqvist et al., 2019). Ultimately, children feel safe, happy and able to learn when they perceive the environment as protective, comforting and enjoyable (Newland et al., 2019; Powell et al., 2018).

As well-being is a unique and personal construct that varies from child to child, listening to children’s voices is essential to gain genuine insight onto what well-being involves for them (Kellock, 2020; Newland et al., 2019). The well-being literature frequently makes reference to Article 12 of the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child, which affirms every child’s right to be heard in decisions affecting them, while recognising the potential for differing perspectives (Lundqvist et al., 2019; Tisdall, 2015).

It has been more than two decades since Rasmussen (2004) first coined the term ‘spaces for children’ to describe adult-designated areas for children’s use. Today, there is emerging recognition that most environments, even those specifically designed for children such as schools and play areas, continue to reflect adult values (Barron and Buckle, 2024).

Given that the literature defines children’s well-being in various ways, it is important to explore how different aspects of the school environment, including physical spaces, shape children’s well-being. This study therefore set out to establish children’s perceptions of the school environment and how different kinds of physical spaces were perceived as influencing their well-being.

Methodology

A qualitative descriptive approach was used to conduct an in-depth exploration of children’s perceptions of well-being within the school environment. This approach enabled the researcher (EF) to delve deeply into human experiences, interactions and social phenomena (Lim, 2024).

Participants

Purposive sampling was used to recruit 21 children from a rural school in the south of Ireland (14 girls and 7 boys). Children aged 10–12 years were selected to participate in this study, as they were considered developmentally capable of communication, problem-solving and sustaining attention during focus groups (Alder et al., 2019). Participants were accessed and recruited via the school principal who functioned as a gatekeeper. Children from the sixth class were invited to participate via a parent/child invitation letter. A participant information leaflet and expression of interest form was circulated via the school principal to each parent and every child.

Procedure

An initial pilot focus-group interview was conducted to assess the usefulness and validity of tools developed to explore children’s experiences and perceptions of well-being in school. These tools included a mapping exercise and interview guide for use in four focus-group sessions conducted with 10- to 12-year-old children over 3 consecutive days in December 2023. Each group session lasted for a duration of 30–50 minutes, an appropriate length for children of this age (Kesherim, 2023).

The mapping exercise aimed to facilitate discussion of the physical school spaces within the school (Figure 1), as literature suggests the use of activities such as listing, rating, drawing and/or mapping to encourage the expression of childhood experiences (Alder et al., 2019). Children were given a colour code and invited to mark the area of the school space that they associated with the most well-being. A focus-group discussion then took place about the different areas marked on the map, and why these areas were deemed to be most helpful in relation to perceived well-being. Children then used the colour code to mark areas of the school associated with the school spaces they associated with the least well-being and discussed the rationale for their choices. Focus-group interviews were led by the first author (EF) and were audio-recorded and transcribed verbatim.

Figure 1.

School map.

Data analysis

Qualitative data analysis involves immersing oneself in the data, with the aim of identifying and understanding the unique experiences of participants (Hennink et al., 2020). In this study, Braun and Clarke’s six-phase framework for undertaking thematic analysis of qualitative data was used (Braun and Clarke, 2022). A 15-point checklist of criteria for a good thematic analysis was used to ensure a quality analysis (Braun and Clarke, 2022). Transcribed data were listened to several times to ensure familiarity and accuracy of transcriptions. Codes were identified from the transcribed data. These codes were then analysed alongside the map data to establish connections to physical spaces and emergent themes. Themes were rigorously reviewed, refined and defined to produce findings that represented the children’s voices appropriately.

Ethical considerations

Close attention was paid to ethics throughout the study. Principles of justice, beneficence and respect for human dignity informed the procedures adopted and decisions made. Following the return of the expression of interest forms, all interested participants were provided with informed, written parental consent and child assent documents for completion prior to the focus groups. Confidentiality and the right to withdraw from the study were addressed in both forms and reiterated to the children prior to commencement of focus-group sessions. Children who wished not to participate in the study remained in class with their teacher. Ethical approval for the study was granted by Dublin City University, School of Nursing, Psychotherapy and Community Health Ethics Review Committee (Reference SNPCHERC/023/10/04).

Findings

A thematic analysis was conducted inductively and resulted in the development of two overarching and six subordinate themes relevant to children’s perceptions of the school environment and how physical spaces influence well-being. The first author first became familiar with the data and then generated initial codes. These codes were grouped into initial themes, which were subsequently reviewed, refined and finalised by defining and naming the themes. The second author reviewed and refined the codes and themes throughout the analytic process, with additional input from the third author during manuscript preparation.

‘Children want to be outside and free’

Study participants described an overwhelmingly positive association between perceived well-being and the outdoor space of the school environment. They indicated a number of contributing factors to a sense of well-being including having the space and freedom to play and have fun, the ability to nourish friendships and physical safety in the outdoor space.

Space, freedom, fun and play

Children expressed enjoyment when describing the large open spaces available to them during the school day: ‘We can go on it (grass pitch) and it’s like, loads of space, so like, there’s space for everyone’ (Lucy). The concept of freedom while playing was associated with fun. This became apparent when participants were asked about teacher supervision outdoors. Children voiced enjoyment and freedom when they were able to make autonomous decisions outside: ‘Cause it’s so big (grass pitch), it’s fun. We just skid down the muck’ (Eva).

The significance of outdoor spaces was also evident in responses when children were invited to articulate why they valued being outside more than being inside the school:

You’re in the classroom for so much of the day, and you’re doing work and stuff in classrooms. It gets really intense. Children want to be outside and free rather than being trapped in a room for six hours (Matilda).

Children reported a reduced sense of well-being if the outdoor space available to them was reduced or eliminated: ‘[You would feel]kind of, trapped’ (Macie).

Friendships outdoors

An additional dimension of being outdoors was the ability to be able to talk and spend time with friends: ‘We go out every day, and you can talk with your friends and walk the track’ (Emma). Value was placed on the friendships nourished when outdoors at school:

I like walking with my best friend and gossiping. It’s like when you’re sad you talk to your friend, when you’re happy you talk to your friend, when you’ve got a crush, you talk to your friend (Laragh).

The value of outdoor spaces in relation to friendships was also signalled through a comparison with the classroom environment: ‘You can’t really talk to your friends or anyone inside; you just have to say it to yourself for six hours’ (David).

In addition, children recognised how friendships formed outdoors at school contribute to their sense of well-being: ‘It would be bad like, if you, you didn’t have any friends to talk to or anything, so it’s nice to be able to go out and have a chat with someone’ (Macie). Peer interactions outdoors was strongly associated with a sense of self-worth and a positive sense of well-being.

Physical safety in the outdoor space

Children expressed the desire for safe play spaces when outdoors. Play surfaces were contributory to perceived well-being with children associating surfaces like Astroturf with positive well-being as there was less likelihood of getting hurt or hurting others: ‘You don’t have to be worried about hitting them [the smaller children], if they fall over, it’s just grand’ (Alex). In contrast, tarmacadam was viewed negatively, as children associated the surface with the potential for injury: ‘If you fall, you’ll get a graze on your knees’ (Treasa). Negative well-being was more pronounced when children encountered hard surface areas which were too crowded, and there was rough play among peers: ‘It’s really scary ‘cause you could nearly get knocked out when the lads are kicking footballs’ (Matilda).

When play surfaces were less crowded and unlikely to cause injury if children fell or were knocked over, play was seen as enjoyable and fun: ‘It’s more rough and tumble, it’s actually really fun’ (Makayla).

‘There’s so much tension in the classroom’

Children in this study associated the classroom space with negative well-being. Among the distressing aspects of classroom life were issues relating to discipline, lack of personal comfort and gender bias.

Discipline in the classroom

Participants expressed frustration in relation to discipline and disciplining within the classroom. Children were animated when describing their dislike of incidents when the whole class was punished because of the actions of a few. This had a significant impact on their sense of well-being: ‘If someone’s being bold in class and then we don’t get to do something; the whole class [is punlished]. They need to fix that’ (Kate). In addition, children expressed frustration about the lack of fairness with respect to discipline when they were not given a chance to redeem themselves: ‘We didn’t even get a chance to prove ourselves’ (Danny).

Participants also expressed concern about a lack of rewards for good behaviour. They wanted to be acknowledged for positive behaviour and not just disciplined for bad behaviour: ‘We get punished for bad behaviour [but] we don’t get rewarded for good behaviour really’ (Penny). Children acknowledged that teachers needed to maintain discipline in the classroom. ‘Sometimes, I kind of agree with the teachers, because our class, they go mental’ (Jim). However, when asked about perceived bad behaviour, children expressed frustration and confusion about why they were being disciplined, which added to tension in the classroom: ‘I was sitting, and I was like, well I did hit my brother, but that was at home. Surely be to God she can’t be giving out to me for that’ (Matilda).

Suggestions were offered by participants about how to promote well-being in the classroom, including by providing opportunities for them to express their feelings and greater access to professional support. Participants suggested professionally led peer-group sessions could be useful to help offload well-being concerns at school in a safe space: ‘Just like a group that you could let it all out. Like, a therapist’ (John). Children identified these solutions as having the potential to alleviate the tension experienced in the classroom, improve behaviour and lead to less disciplinary action by the teacher.

Discomfort in the classroom

Participants believed that physical attire and the lack of breaks impacted negatively on children’s well-being. Children expressed the desire to wear more comfortable clothes. The current uniform was seen as constraining: ‘You can barely move in [it]. Yeah, when I’m wearing [it], I’m so uncomfortable’ (David). Children recognised the value of a uniform in terms of the need to represent their school and not put pressure on those who could not afford more expensive clothes: ‘So, there’s not like, a fashion show, people who can’t afford fancy clothes, left out or anything’ (Penny). Children suggested that their school PE uniform should be comfortable for long periods in the classroom and wearing itself outside of PE lessons could support their sense of well-being: ‘If I could pick one . . . [to wear] I keep the PE uniform’. (Jessica).

The desire for more frequent breaks from academic work was seen as significant in terms of well-being at school. Children associated lack of breaks with discomfort and increased classroom tension: ‘It’s hard work doing ratios and you are trying to do it, and then you have to do Wordle, and the you have to do Irish, and then finally its break time. It’s like “Oh my god, I need this”’ (Sean). Additional breaks were seen as likely to contribute to positive well-being: ‘Sometimes, when you have one subject and then you move onto the next, it would be good to get a break in between [them]’ (Emma). The absence of breaks caused some to experience headaches ‘from doing so much work’ (Kate).

Participants saw value in having outdoor breaks between difficult subjects to alleviate stress. Bronagh explained, ‘[Currently] once you do something hard, you don’t get a break. You don’t even just get to go outside and just go for one lap (of the track). It’s just straight onto the next thing’. In contrast, if academic work was less difficult, the need for an outdoor movement break was less: ‘If you’re good at ratios, and you get them done in a minute with no stress on your brain, and then, onto Irish. That’s fine’. (Casey).

One group reflected on past experiences when a teacher often took them outside for movement breaks. The group expressed fond memories of the member of staff concerned and reported enhanced well-being during that time: ‘Mr X used to bring us outside, for a lap or two, I think that was a good strategy’ (Sean).

Gender bias in the classroom

A final sub-theme associated with negative well-being was gender bias. Girls voiced irritation when describing how teachers sometimes chose boys to do certain physical things rather than girls. This led to frustration and tension in the classroom: ‘I can’t even remember once when a girl got picked to do something physical. They think we can’t handle it. Half the girls are nearly stronger than the lads to be fair’ (Matilda). Girls described the jobs that they might be asked to do – ‘If the girls do get asked to do something, it’s like, oh, will you paint this picture, or I dunno, knit this jumper’ (Laragh) – and expressed the desire to be seen as equal to boys in the classroom, in the same way as they were in outside spaces – ‘It’s fun playing soccer against the boys, I love winning’ (Bronagh). Ultimately, girls wanted to be viewed as equal to boys in terms of physicality and strength and described the tensions that arose when this was not acknowledged at school.

Discussion

This study explored how primary-school children perceive the physical school environment and how different school spaces influenced their sense of well-being. Findings demonstrate how children’s well-being is deeply embedded in their everyday spatial experiences. In response to the first research question, children clearly distinguished between indoor and outdoor school environments, with outdoor spaces being overwhelmingly associated with positive well-being. In relation to the second question, children articulated how particular features of school spaces such as safety, freedom, crowding, surface type, fairness, comfort and opportunities for personal autonomy directly shaped their emotional and social experiences.

Consistent with the international literature, outdoor spaces were framed as supportive of social connection, fun, freedom and physical movement, aligning with evidence that time spent outdoors promotes social, emotional, physical and cognitive development (Ne’Matullah et al., 2022) and can reduce stress while enhancing physical activity (Barron and Buckle, 2024). The centrality of friendships in children’s accounts echoes research emphasising the social benefits of outdoor play (Lundqvist et al., 2019). The study also identified how perceptions of physical safety, particularly adequate space and low-risk surfaces, modulated these benefits, reinforcing findings that children experience greater happiness and security in environments that are both comfortable and protective (Newland et al., 2019; Powell et al., 2018).

The findings relating to surface types extend existing evidence. While children in this study viewed softer, more forgiving surfaces such as astroturf as enhancing safety and well-being, research in India has shown that children value hard scrape surfaces for their functional play advantages (Chandwania and Natu, 2022). This divergence suggests that preferences are context-dependent, influenced by local play cultures, environment and available space. The alignment of this study with calls to meaningfully involve children in playground design (Barron and Buckle, 2024) reinforces the need for responsive, child-informed school planning.

Indoor spaces, particularly classrooms, were associated with negative well-being due to tension, disciplinary practices, lack of autonomy and insufficient breaks. These findings reflect research highlighting how negative communication, inequality and conflict reduce well-being (Kutsar et al., 2019; Newland et al., 2019). Children’s preference for democratic classroom environments that allow opportunities for voice, fairness and recognition aligns with evidence that group cohesion and positive climate are central to school well-being (Blaskova and McLellan, 2018).

Children also expressed the desire for greater emotional support, consistent with literature emphasising the importance of a significant adult in fostering childhood well-being (Tobia et al., 2019). The suggestion within existing research that educational psychologists should be more available in school contexts (O’Farrell and Kinsella, 2018) further supports this need.

Comfort-related barriers, including restrictive uniforms and a lack of adequate breaks, were found to reduce a sense of well-being. Recent evidence indicates that traditional uniforms may reduce physical activity and do little to enhance social behaviour or belonging (Ansari et al., 2022; Ryan et al., 2024). Children’s calls for more frequent breaks echo findings that recess improves cognition, behaviour and emotional regulation (Hodges et al., 2022) and acknowledges the fact that average attention spans in children are relatively short (Kesherim, 2023). These findings support the argument that frequent movement opportunities throughout the school day may enhance both well-being and learning (Kellock, 2020).

A novel contribution of this study relates to children’s perceptions of gender bias. Girls expressed frustration at being viewed as physically weaker, which negatively affected their well-being. While research has addressed gender stereotypes in academic abilities (Copur-Gencturk et al., 2023), little work has explored stereotypes relating to physicality in primary schools. This study’s findings align with early socialisation research demonstrating the importance placed on strength in childhood (Halim et al., 2022) and the potential for teachers to unintentionally reinforce gender norms (Gajda et al., 2022). This highlights the need for greater awareness of how gendered assumptions operate within everyday school routines.

Limitations

This study had several limitations. First, the small sample (n = 21) drawn from a single rural Irish school limits generalisability. The rural context, characterised by larger outdoor spaces and particular community dynamics, may not reflect experiences in urban, high-density or socio-economically diverse schools. Second, focus-group dynamics may have influenced children’s responses, with the potential for peer conformity or social desirability bias. Third, while reflexive thematic analysis supports rich interpretation, it also introduces researcher subjectivity, despite strategies employed to improve dependability. Finally, data collection at a single time point limits insight into how children’s perceptions may shift across seasons or developmental stages. These limitations temper the scope of broader claims but do not diminish the value of the contextual perspectives offered.

Implications for policy and practice

Several implications for policy and practice are evident. Schools and policymakers should prioritise the design and maintenance of safe, spacious outdoor areas, incorporating surfacing that balances injury prevention with play needs. Child participation in playground planning should become routine practice, in line with children’s rights and contemporary evidence. Timetabling could incorporate short, structured breaks, including outdoor movement, to enhance attention and well-being. Uniform policies may require greater flexibility to allow comfort and physical activity. Classroom practices should incorporate inclusive and participatory approaches that promote fairness, children’s voice and positive communication. Finally, enhanced emotional support structures, such as improved access to educational psychology services, should be explored to better meet children’s social and emotional needs.

Future research

Future studies should include larger, more diverse samples across multiple school types and contexts to examine how environmental influences interact with socio-economic and cultural factors. Mixed-methods designs combining child voice, observational data and objective measures of activity or stress would strengthen causal inference. Longitudinal research is needed to track how spatial experiences and well-being interact over time. Further investigation into gendered experiences of physicality would deepen understanding of how stereotype-related well-being challenges emerge. Finally, implementation research is needed to assess the feasibility and impact of school-based interventions such as playground redesign, flexible uniform policies and structured break schedules.

Conclusion

Well-being in childhood is significant, as it is the time when the brain and body undergo substantial growth and development. Children in their formative years are particularly open to acquiring the insights, skills, understandings and practices that lay the foundations for sustained personal and social well-being. As children spend much of their time in school, this setting is an obvious choice for well-being promotion. However, much research to date has analysed data from children who were on average 13–17 years old and attending post-primary school. This study captured a younger cohort’s perspectives and provides evidence that 10- to 12-year-olds have the ability to offer valuable insight into their personal well-being at school. The study provided children with the opportunity to voice their views on matters that affected them directly, highlighting the ways in which different physical spaces within the school environment impact on perceived well-being.

Footnotes

Funding

The authors received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

ORCID iD

Emma Fogarty

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The importance of outdoor space: Children’s perceptions of the school environment and its influence on their well-being