Abstract

The number of women seeking assistance from domestic violence services increased during the Australian bushfires and current COVID-19 pandemic, and the Federal Government has responded with substantial funding for the sector. The elevated prevalence of domestic violence associated with the Australian disasters is consistent with national and international evidence that violence against women increases after major disasters, including fires, floods, hurricanes or pandemics (Enarson and Chakrabarti, 2009; Molyneaux et al., 2020). Women’s status is shaped by social and health inequalities including practices and policies that privilege male roles, perspectives and experiences. Gender inequality also impacts women’s safety during times of social unrest and chaos, and in intimate relationships. Gender plays a further role in determining women’s employment status, access to health systems and representation in disaster response and governance (Enarson and Chakrabarti, 2009). Domestic violence is a major public health problem and a leading cause of mental illness and poor functioning among women (Rees et al., 2011). Mental illness, domestic violence and gender are interrelated, with women more likely to be survivors of domestic violence, and to have higher prevalence common mental disturbances including anxiety disorders associated with gender-based violence (Rees et al., 2011). Policies to address mental distress during COVID-19 have, however, lacked a gender analysis, including recognition that mental distress is interrelated with domestic violence. Furthermore, a report found that responses to the 2009 bushfires neglected domestic violence as a psychosocial issue (Parkinson and Zara, 2013). Mental health professionals supporting women in the disaster context should be identifying and responding to domestic violence systematically and through a gender lens. Here, we provide some insight for mental health practitioners into the nature and effects of domestic violence in disasters, and we present a case for a gender approach to disaster management and recovery, including a Gender, Mental Health and Disaster Taskforce.
Domestic violence may include one or a combination of physical, psychological, financial and sexual forms of abuse. It can be exacerbated in severity or frequency during a disaster, or manifest differently, for example, transform from solely psychologically controlling abuse to include a new onset of physical or sexual violence. Domestic violence in any form may also occur for the first time during a disaster (Parkinson and Zara, 2013). A multi-factor theory for domestic violence during a disaster comprises a combination of individual and social factors including patriarchal attitudes, coercive power abuse and control of the victim; perpetrator’s current and lifetime trauma exposure; economic hardship; the propensity for one or both partners to manage stress using violence; and the survivor’s access to financial resources and supports (Walby and Towers, 2018).
Disasters commonly result in disruptions to daily life and social systems (Enarson and Chakrabarti, 2009). The succession of bushfires and COVID-19 in Australia has led to increased periods of containment in the family household due to smoke haze during the fires, pandemic lockdown and restricted social engagements. Increased time in the home can escalate relationship tensions and reduce opportunities for women to evade coercive controlling forms of partner violence. The invisibility of men’s violence is also fostered by the privacy afforded by the home. Feelings of powerlessness and loss of control among men, particularly associated with unemployment, or material losses, can result in feelings of insecurity and undermined masculinity. These psychological conditions have been associated with increased use of coercive and controlling forms of violence targeting intimate partners (Parkinson and Zara, 2013). The familiar tactics of a controlling perpetrator, such as preventing his partner from seeing family and friends, is further aided when social support networks are disrupted, and family isolation is mandated. In addition, if legal systems become destabilised during a disaster, the response in cases of domestic violence may be weakened.
Alcohol was considered an ‘essential item’ in the Australian pandemic response. Resort to excessive alcohol and in some cases drug use to dampen down feelings of distress – often the recourse of men – may compound the risk for domestic violence that is attributed to alcohol use. Either or both partners in the relationship can also experience disaster-related posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) and other psychiatric disturbances that are known to reduce frustration tolerance and increase risk for violent acts in response to stressors. Many women are often reluctant to disclose domestic violence to helping agencies because of stigma or a desire to maintain the integrity of the family for the sake of often traumatised children. Women are also commonly constrained by the legitimate fear of retribution from violent men if they speak out. In disaster scenarios, women are more often employed in caring roles, many at the front-line. They may be less willing to draw attention to themselves when there is such all-encompassing and overwhelming suffering around them.
It is vital that mental health personnel are vigilant in detecting domestic violence in disaster-affected individuals and essential that there is an early and decisive gender-informed response to this ‘disaster-during-the-disaster’. To this end, a Task Force on Gender, Mental Health and Disaster should be established to ensure that this issue – and the needs and contributions of women in general – is central in all disaster policy, planning and practice. A more comprehensive understanding of the interplay of issues will reduce the risks of violence against disaster-affected women and associated violence-related social and emotional harms.
Footnotes
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship and/or publication of this article.
Funding
The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship and/or publication of this article.
