Abstract
Catherine Boone's Inequality and Political Cleavage in Africa: Regionalism by Design is a significant contribution to the study of African politics and comparative political economy. The book challenges conventional perspectives that often reduce African politics to ethnic identity, weak institutions, or elite ambitions. Instead, Boone persuasively argues that “economic inequalities do structure politics in African countries and do so in persistent, systematic, and consequential ways” (224). The book's focus on the intersection of spatial inequality and regionalism provides a compelling framework for analysing political competition and governance in Africa.
Boone structures her argument across nine chapters. The first three chapters lay the theoretical foundation, situating the study within social cleavage theory and political economy, while detailing her methodological approach, particularly the use of subnational electoral geography data. Chapters 4–6 present case studies, illustrating how regional economic disparities translate into persistent political cleavages across multiple African countries. Boone examines electoral blocs, party competition, and the role of historical administrative divisions in structuring political behaviour. Chapter 7 shifts focus to policy formation, showing how regional inequalities shape governance strategies, including resource allocation and coalition-building. Chapter 8 synthesises these findings, discussing their implications for national integration and long-term political stability, while Chapter 9 extends the argument to broader debates in comparative political economy, emphasising how spatial inequality influences state-building beyond Africa.
A key achievement of the book is its theoretical integration of spatial inequality into the broader literature on political cleavages. Boone draws on Lipset and Rokkan's framework, arguing that “high levels of spatial inequality, combined with strongly territorial institutions, produce strong regional cleavages” (224). She demonstrates how uneven economic development across regions fuels political mobilisation, with electoral blocs and opposition zones reflecting “the uneven geography of producer regions, reflecting uneven integration of regions into the national economy” (225). This insight bridges economic geography and political science while highlighting the persistence of colonial-era administrative boundaries in shaping political alignments.
Boone's methodological rigour is evident in her subnational comparative analysis of twelve African countries, employing electoral geography methods to uncover “stark patterns of regional inequality” and their influence on national politics (224). This approach challenges previous studies that have overlooked spatial dimensions of political and economic processes. For example, Boone argues that “territorial grids established by the colonial state play a strong role in structuring both political and economic space” (225), reinforcing the enduring impact of colonial institutions on contemporary African politics.
A particularly compelling aspect of the book is its critique of the dominant focus on ethnicity in African politics. Boone distinguishes between ethnic and regional identities, arguing that regional identities are often “defined largely in terms of economic interests, and relative economic (dis)advantage within the national unit” (232). She emphasises that persistent electoral blocs are frequently multiethnic and reflect regionally specific policy interests and economic concerns, rather than purely ethnic dynamics. As Boone points out, “Most of the blocs are multiethnic. Ethnic theories of voting do not explain why particular non-coethnic constituencies would persistently vote together over many electoral cycles” (232). This observation challenges simplistic ethnic-based accounts of African politics and opens new avenues for understanding the interplay between economic geography and political behaviour.
The book also provides a thoughtful discussion of urban–rural dynamics, contesting simplistic dichotomies in African political studies. Boone argues that rural populations are far from homogenous and that their political preferences are shaped by regional economic positioning, integration into national markets, and historical mobilisation patterns (234). This perspective offers a more granular understanding of rural politics, showing how economic conditions and regional governance structures influence political behaviour.
Boone's analysis carries important policy implications. She highlights the challenges of addressing regional disparities, noting that “forces of agglomeration (path dependency of regional economic growth trajectories) are driven by the gravitational pull of markets” (238). While government spending and infrastructure projects can alter regional dynamics, they struggle to overturn entrenched hierarchies rooted in economic geography. Her call for redistributive national cohesion policies and regionally targeted growth strategies is both timely and necessary, considering the persistent inequalities that complicate political cooperation and national integration.
The book's contributions extend beyond Africa, offering valuable insights for scholars of comparative politics and political economy. Boone demonstrates how spatial inequality interacts with institutional structures to shape political cleavages, providing a framework that can be applied to other regions with uneven development patterns. Her analysis also underscores the limitations of market-oriented development strategies, particularly the “space-blind” policies advocated by institutions like the World Bank (241). The persistence of regional disparities and their political consequences demands a more nuanced approach that considers the spatial dimensions of inequality and governance.
Despite its strengths, Boone's emphasis on regionalism risks underplaying the interaction between regional and ethnic identities. While she argues that regional identities often transcend ethnic boundaries, as seen in multiethnic electoral blocs (232), this distinction may be less clear in cases where ethnicity and regionalism are deeply intertwined. Some readers may find that the book understates the role of ethnic mobilisation in reinforcing regional cleavages, particularly in contexts where ethnic and regional identities align with economic hierarchies. A more explicit discussion of these intersections would have strengthened the analysis.
Overall, Inequality and Political Cleavage in Africa is a masterful study that combines theoretical innovation, empirical depth, and policy relevance. Boone's ability to weave together historical analysis, subnational data, and comparative insights makes this book a landmark contribution to the field. It compels scholars and policymakers alike to rethink the role of spatial inequality in shaping political dynamics, not only in Africa but also in other parts of the world. This book will undoubtedly shape the study of African politics and comparative political economy for years to come.
