Abstract
Anyone who has followed the writings of Franklin Obeng-Odoom would agree with me that Property, Institutions and Social Stratification in Africa sums up his earlier provocative analysis of the growing inequality and poverty in Africa as well as the fanciful neoliberal mantra of “Africa on the rise” (see, for instance, Obeng-Odoom, 2013, 2015, 2020). Typical of him, Obeng-Odoom introduces “The Problem” by devoting a considerable number of pages in the first part of the book to “unapologetically” criticise mainstream neoclassical development economics and its variant of new institutional economics for their superficial diagnosis of the dynamics of inequality, poverty, and economic growth in Africa. He further argues that the challenge to development economics by pro-Marxist Hill (1986) and Jerven (2015) is insightful and pragmatic but they provide no remedy for reducing the high levels of inequality in Africa and between Africa and the global economy. Consequently, Obeng-Odoom contends in chapter 1 that a new conceptual foundation should be built for a new beginning. And he is convinced that the new foundation can “only” sit on the firm ground of Georgist tradition (based on the theories and methods of Henry George) coupled with stratification economics (based on the works of Black economists and philosophers such as William Darity Jr. and Sir Hillary Beckles).
In the second part of the book, Obeng-Odoom exposes the limitations of existing explanations about property economics, land reform, human capital, international trade, and economic growth. In chapter 2, he demonstrates, both theoretically and empirically, that the implementation of the advice of mainstream neoclassical economics (based on the ideas and arguments in Hernando de Soto’s The Mystery of Capital) on title registration and commodification of communal property is tantamount to “institutionalising inequality and poverty and wider questions of social stratification while diverting attention from root causes” (p. 79). In chapter 3, Obeng-Odoom draws lessons from the theory, practice, and outcomes of land reforms to argue that land reform does not promote an inclusive African development as claimed by mainstream development economics; rather, land reform is an avenue for transferring the wealth of Africa to the rest of the world, hence deepening inequality and social stratification in the continent.
In chapter 4, Obeng-Odoom unpacks the mainstream development economics theory of human capital, which holds that higher levels of investment in human capital have a long-run consequence of eliminating discrimination in all sectors of employment. Drawing evidence from petro-developmental states across Africa, he disputes the human capital theory by arguing that discrimination in the employment, income, and work conditions of locals and expatriate staff in Africa’s oil industry is not theory but reality. In chapter 5, Obeng-Odoom espouses that Africa’s reliance on transnational companies as the pillar of international free trade has led to its suffocating levels of debt and rising inequality, although he admits that “in itself, trade can be the road to improved economic governance and a way to satisfy various needs and wants” (p. 198). In chapter 6, Obeng-Odoom demonstrates that, while it is not in doubt that Africa has seen some enviable levels of economic growth in recent times, the neoliberal projection of the growth mantra of “Africa on the rise” is a deliberate attempt to cover up the numerous excesses of high rates of unemployment, low incomes, poor working conditions, and environmental problems.
In addressing the shortcomings of mainstream development economics and other theories, Obeng-Odoom proposes two alternatives: socialisms and Africanisms. In his own words, “socialisms provide clear and developed alternative paths for Africa to consider” (p. 234) but “it is not just socialisms, but Africanisms that need to be considered even more carefully” (235). Africanisms entail (1) addressing past expropriations, (2) managing current expropriations, and (3) preventing future expropriations. In addressing past expropriations, Obeng-Odoom suggests that Africa seek apology from the West for the crime of slavery, and on the basis of the apology, press charges of crime against humanity at the International Criminal Court (ICC). Managing current expropriations involves going beyond the adoption of gross domestic product (GDP) as the basis of growth to the more important factors of promoting happiness, sharing the African-wide commons, and restructuring the state and work. In preventing future expropriations, it is necessary to dissolve existing monopolies, prevent the creation of new monopolies, and diffuse prosperity throughout African economies.
The strength of Property, Institutions and Social Stratification in Africa lies in its unique adoption of stratification economics to analyse inequality, poverty, and economic growth in Africa. However, there are a few limitations that I would like to point out. First, the book would have been more comprehensive if Obeng-Odoom had discussed the role of China, and more broadly the BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa) in alleviating or deepening inequality and poverty in Africa. Second, I am unsure whether his suggestion of seeking apology and subsequent justice through the ICC is realistic. The ICC has come under strong criticisms for being a creation of the highly developed nations to bring justice to the perpetrators of crimes against humanity, mainly in less-developed countries, while overlooking similar cases committed by the West. Lastly, readers would have benefited from a chapter on democracy, as it is another contentious issue in the discourse of inequality and economic growth in Africa. But of course, this is not to undermine the rich and in-depth content of this book. It is highly recommended for teachers, researchers and students of African political economy around the globe.