Constitutional reform requires a cautious approach that draws heavily on the theory of institutions. Too often arguments for particular constitutional arrangements are one-dimensional and limited in scope and imagination. This article illustrates this theme by discussing the debate over fixed- and variable-term parliaments, and by offering a somewhat novel argument that focuses on the role of the opposition within a parliamentary system.
Get full access to this article
View all access options for this article.
References
1.
BlaisA.GidengilE.NevitteN. and NadeauR. (2004), ‘Do (Some) Canadian Voters Punish a Prime Minister for Calling a Snap Election?’, Political Studies52(2), pp. 307–323.
2.
BogdanorV. (2005), ‘Constitutional Reform in Britain: The Quiet Revolution’, Annual Review of Political Science8, pp. 73–98.
3.
BrennanG. and HamlinA. (2000), Democratic Devices and Desires, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
4.
ChowdhuryA.R. (1993), ‘Political Surfing over Economic Waves: Parliamentary Election Timing in India’, American Journal of Political Science37(4), pp. 1100–1118.
5.
FranzeseR. and JuskoK.L. (2006), ‘Political-Economic Cycles’ in FranzeseR. and JuskoK.L. (eds.), The Oxford Handbook of Political Economy, Oxford: Oxford University Press, pp. 545–586.
6.
GrofmanB. and Van RoozendaalP. (1997), ‘Review Article: Modelling Cabinet Durability and Termination’, British Journal of Political Science27(3), pp. 419–451.
7.
HelmsL. (2004), ‘Five Ways of Institutionalizing Political Opposition: Lessons from the Advanced Democracies’, Government and Opposition39(1), pp. 22–54.
8.
InoguchiT. (1979), ‘Political Surfing over Economic Waves: A Simple Model of the Japanese Political Economic System in Comparative Perspective’, Paper presented at the Eleventh World Congress of the International Political Science Association, Moscow 1979.
9.
ItoT. and ParkJ.H. (1988), ‘Political Business Cycles in the Parliamentary System’, Economics Letters27(3), pp. 233–238.
10.
KayserM.A. (2005), ‘Who Surfs, Who Manipulates? The Determinants of Opportunistic Election Timing and Electorally Motivated Economic Intervention’, American Political Science Review99(1), pp. 17–27.
11.
KingG.AltJ.E.BurnsN.E. and LaverM. (1990), ‘A Unified Model of Cabinet Dissolution in Parliamentary Democracies’, American Journal of Political Science34(3), pp. 846–871.
12.
KydlandF.E. and PrescottE.C. (1977), ‘Rules Rather than Discretion: The Inconsistency of Optimal Plans’, The Journal of Political Economy85(3), pp. 473–492.
13.
LesmonoD.TonkesE.J. and BurrageK. (2003), ‘An Early Political Election Problem’, ANZIAM Journal45, pp. C16–C33.
14.
LeuprechtC. and McHughJ.T. (2008), ‘Fixed Election Cycles: A Genuine Alternative to Responsible and Responsive Government?’, Commonwealth & Comparative Politics46(4), pp. 415–441.
15.
LupiaA. and StrømK. (1995), ‘Coalition Termination and the Strategic Timing of Parliamentary Elections’, American Political Science Review89(3), pp. 648–665.
16.
PotterA. (1966), ‘Great Britain: Opposition with a Capital “O”’ in DahlR. (ed.), Political Oppositions in Western Democracies, New Haven, CT: Yale University Press.
17.
ProkschS.O. and SlapinJ.B. (2006), ‘Institutions and Coalition Formation: The German Election of 2005’, West European Politics29(3), pp. 540–559.
18.
ReidB.G. (1998), ‘Endogenous Elections, Electoral Budget Cycles and Canadian Provincial Governments’, Public Choice97(1), pp. 35–48.
19.
SmithA. (2004), Election Timing, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
20.
TsebelisG. (2002), Veto Players: How Political Institutions Work, Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.