Abstract
This study explores the relationships between children's understandings of happiness, their motivations and important life goals and their experience of depression. Happiness is arguably the most fundamental pursuit of humanity for every generation and placed as the most central motivator of human goals [1]. The pursuit and aspiration of beauty, money, possessions, power and health are often not desired for their own sake but because of the underlying belief that attaining them leads to happiness. McIntosh and Martin [2] suggest happiness is a subjective judgement of the emotional state of ‘mind’. Happiness is explained from this perspective as a cognitive construction that the individual puts together from his or her various memories, current mood and ongoing social comparison to judge quality of life [3], [4]. In its highest form, happiness may reflect an underlying contentment and a sense of harmony, even in the face of adversity [5]. Cognitive constructions, however, are not invariably positive. Recent studies by Street [6], [7] suggest that misconceptions of happiness may be a factor in the development of depression in adults. It is suggested that increased understanding of individual perceptions of happiness and wellbeing may lead to an increased understanding of vulnerability factors leading to depression and dysphoria in children. The purpose of this study is to examine children's conceptions of happiness and their life goals in relationship to their levels of wellbeing and depression.
Depression in Australian children is a significant health issue with estimated prevalence rates of 3.7% among 6–17 year-olds [8], [9]. Depression is not only a serious problem in itself; it is associated with many other problems including substance abuse, eating disorders, conduct disorders and adult depression [10]. Depression is also the strongest single risk factor for attempted or completed suicides [8].
Symptoms of depression may be hard to clarify in children in the home and school environment, particularly as they are often first observed by parents or teachers rather than reported by the child themselves. Typically, children will experience frequent symptoms of sadness and misery without attaining a frank depressed state. Despite the rapid adaptation shown by many children, sustained low mood and/or cumulative loss can cause severe symptoms of depression [11]. Blumberg and Izard [12] have reported that similarly to adults, depressed children report a pattern of emotions including sadness, anger, self-directed hostility, and shame. In younger children, cognitive affectual themes potentiate depressive states. In older children, there is a move towards the development of negative self-esteem and self-cognition [11].
Currently, the most widely favoured model of depression aetiology is multifactorial with environmental risk factors coupled with unspecified genetic risk factors [8]. Psychological factors including misconceptions of happiness and dysfunctional patterns of goal setting have also been implicated in the development of depression [6], [7],[13–19]. The past decade has seen a growing interest in the relationships between goals and depression. Several researchers have suggested that the content and framing of important goals (e.g. achievement goals vs. relationship goals) are indicative of vulnerability to depression [7],[13–16]. Other researchers have focused on the processes of goal pursuit. They have identified relationships between actual/ideal discrepancies [17], perceived progress to goal achievement, goal loss or failure and levels of depression [18], [19].
Although many of the goal theories examine what goals depressed individuals have set and how they are pursued, little research has examined why certain goals are made important. Conditional goal setting (CGS) theory offers an explanation for the motivations controlling the setting of important goals in the individual vulnerable to depression. It describes a relationship between goal setting and depression that exists irrespective of goal success or failure [6], [7]. Conditional goal setting theory proposes that certain individuals vulnerable to depression (i.e. conditional goal setters) are motivated to set and pursue an important goal in an unhealthy way because they believe that achievement of this goal will bring them happiness and wellbeing. Conditional goal setters are vulnerable to depression for two main reasons. First, they believe that happiness and wellbeing are achievable higher-order goals. Second, they believe that ‘happiness goals’ can only be achieved through the achievement of a specific lower-order goal. For example, a conditional goal setter may believe that she can only attain ‘the goal’ of happiness if she achieves the goal ‘to have a child’.
This theory is consistent with the findings of McIntosh, Harlow and Martin [16] who found that individuals who link lower-order goals (such as, ‘do well in a test’) to higher-order goals (such as, ‘be happy’) were more likely to ruminate and experience depression than those who did not. Rumination occurs when people believe that a higher-order goal is being threatened. It is known that allowing children to ruminate on bad feelings worsens their depression [20]. However, there has been no research done to explore the concepts of linking or CGS in children. This study was conducted to determine whether there is evidence that these concepts are relevant to children and, if so, to provide a launching point for further research into this area.
It is proposed that the increase in depression as children get older coincides with a change in their understanding of happiness from simple enjoyment of a process (such as playing) to a more outcome-orientated view (such as being happy only when a goal is achieved). This may be due in part to the attitudes of parents and teachers who emphasize achievement at school and in competitive sport. Children may also learn and adopt the pervasive attitude of consumerism that portrays happiness as dependent on attaining various possessions or positions in society. This study aims to identify goal-setting themes in the conceptualizations of happiness reported by primary school children and to examine the correlation between CGS and reported levels of depression.
Method
A combined qualitative and quantitative approach was used to address the aims of this study. Information about children's thoughts and attitudes concerning wellbeing and goal choices can be gained through analyses of the children's personally generated responses using an interpretative methodology [21]. Small focus groups were conducted to allow children to express their own conceptions of happiness and wellbeing and their own attitudes to goal choice and pursuit, within a social context. Data were generated with the use of a number of open questions designed to trigger discussion in topic areas relevant to the aims of the study. The majority of children gave short responses to each of the questions asked, resulting in numerous statements concerning each issue to be explored. This type of response data allowed for content analyses of responses using a top-down approach to the text. Responses were examined and then placed into a number of different predetermined content categories. An indication of the prevalence of each particular viewpoint was gained through assessment of the number and type of responses addressing each question in each category.
Participants
Six focus groups were conducted in three primary schools in Perth, Western Australia. Each group consisted of 6–10 students. The children were all in grade 6 (10 or 11 years-old) or grade 7 (12 years). The groups contained roughly equal numbers of boys and girls. Each school is geographically situated in a different socio-economic area (upper SES [School A], middle SES [School B] and lower SES [School C]). Study information sheets and consent forms were given to all grade 6 and 7 children in each school to take home to their primary care givers. In two of the schools, all children who returned completed forms within the 2 day deadline were included in the study. In the third school the first 12 children to return forms were included in the study (Other children have since been included in other research projects).
Procedure
The focus groups were mediated by a research psychologist using a list of predetermined questions, with the flexibility to expand on these questions in the discussions. The psychologist was female, in her midforties with previous experience conducting focus groups. She was introduced to the children as someone interested in finding out about some of their thoughts and feelings. In each case, the researcher was accompanied by one of three observers who listened to the discussion. The psychologist established rapport before proceeding to ask predetermined open questions. All children were encouraged to give their own viewpoints to each of the questions asked. Children were assured that there were no right or wrong answers to these questions and that all of their views were equally valid.
Open questions aimed to elicit understandings of children's perceptions of happiness. For example: Tell me about the happiest person you know. Why are they happy? What is happiness? How can you describe happiness?
Other open questions aimed to identify children's important goals. For example: What do you think are the really important things to aim for in life?
Further open questions aimed to elicit reasoning about CGS tendencies. For example: Can you think of a time when you
All results are based on the dialogues between the interviewers and the participants of the focus groups, which were recorded and transcribed into readable form. The transcribed data were analyzed by the three observers. Responses to the opening questions were collected from the data and categorized into broad themes. Tables were constructed into which the categorized answers were placed. This enabled both the qualitative assessment of themes within the data, and also the more quantitative analysis of the quantity and proportionality of the responses from each category. For the purposes of analyses, children who could be identified from the transcripts were given a number, for example [Child 6]. Children who could not be identified individually on the taped recording have been identified by the school they came from, for example [School B Child] or simply as [Child]. Some of the responses recorded on the transcripts could not be ascribed to specific children, which made it difficult to count how many children responded in certain ways. For this reason reference is made to the number of responses made in each category, rather than the number of children who gave responses that fell into each category.
Quantitative method
As well as participating in the focus groups, the children in this study completed questionnaires to measure CGS and depression.
CGS scale: The children were asked to identify three important goals and to rate on a scale of 1 (‘I can be happy even if I do not achieve this goal’) to 7 (‘I can only be happy if I achieve this goal’) how dependent their happiness was on achieving each goal. The CGS scale has been successfully used in a number of previous quantitative studies investigating CGS among adolescents and adults [6], [7],[22–24]. The consistency of results obtained from each of these studies is testament to its test-retest reliability. The scale has also been compared to McIntosh's linking scale that measures a similar concept [6]. The two scales compare favourably, attesting to the construct validity of the CGS scale. In addition, it is believed that the use of direct questions in the scale affords it a great deal of face validity. The scale is scored by adding together each of the three items. The mean CGS score was 9, with the minimum score being 3 and the maximum 15. Cronbach's 〈= 0.67 showing the scale is reliable.
Depression scale: The children also completed the Birleson Depression Scale (BDS) for children [25], [26]. The scale consists of 18 statements such as: ‘I have horrible dreams’, and ‘I sleep very well’. The children indicate how often they have experienced these feelings, thoughts and behaviours over the past week as ‘most’, ‘sometimes’ or ‘never.’ According to the BDS no ‘normal’ child will score greater than 11, and clinical depression is indicated by scoring greater than 17. Cronbach's α = 0.78, showing the scale is reliable.
Results
Qualitative analyses
Children were able to understand the questions asked in the focus groups and offered a variety of answers for each. Even though questions asking directly about the nature of happiness were very abstract in nature, they did not pose a problem for the children interviewed. It is believed that the other more concrete questions may have helped the children understand more abstract concepts such as ‘happiness’. It is also believed that happiness is understood as a basic human emotion from an early age. The majority of responses were concrete in nature irrespective of the form of the question presented. Results are presented in three thematic areas: conceptions of happiness, important goals and CGS.
(1) What are the conceptions of happiness held by 10–12-year-old children?
One hundred and thirteen responses related directly to children's conceptions of happiness and wellbeing. The same comments elicited from different individuals were counted as separate responses but repetition of the same comment from the same child was not counted more than once. The 113 responses were divided into two major categories: intrinsic responses (happiness is determined by internal factors) and extrinsic responses (happiness is determined by external factors). Intrinsic responses were divided into three minor categories (behaviours, cognitions and feelings), as were extrinsic responses (achievements, ongoing processes, events).
Ninety-four percent of the responses described happiness as a function of extrinsic factors (i.e. based on achievements or external circumstances). For example, Child 28 suggested that happiness is about having a good job and living in a nice area: One of the persons I thought had a happy life was my mum's friend and she had a happy life because she had a good job and she lived in a really nice suburb and everything. [Child 28]
Only 6% of the responses described happiness as an intrinsic concept. For example: I think happiness is when you feel good about yourself… [Child 30]
From these responses it can be concluded that the participants largely believed happiness results from the effects of external factors rather than internal ones. More detailed analyses of responses relating to extrinsic factors shows that 37% of extrinsic responses describe happiness as something that occurs when individuals achieve something they personally believe to be significant (i.e. an important goal). For example, a School A child suggested that parents might be happy when their children achieve high academic standards: What makes mum and dad really happy is that, what would make them really happy is like if I got a scholarship… and like when I achieve something really nice and it makes them happy. [School A Child]
Thirty-six percent of extrinsic responses described happiness as an outcome resulting from a desired event. For example: When my dad came back from Indonesia I was really happy to see him. [School A Child]
Twenty-six percent of the extrinsic responses depict happiness as the result of ongoing positive events (process). For example: (Happiness is) If something good happens and it doesn't stop, because if it does stop, that means that you won't be happy for much longer. [Child 16]
From this analysis extrinsic conceptions of the causes of happiness can be divided into outcomes resulting from: first, specific goal achievements; second, events; and third, processes. These findings are consistent with the definition of happiness proposed by McIntosh and Martin [2] who suggest happiness is in part based upon people's assessments of their past and future memories. The findings are also similar to those obtained from adults by Ross et al. who suggest people use their assessment of the past and the future, their standing relative to other people, and their current mood to account for their happiness [3].
(2) Which goals are important to 10–12-year-old children?
Although the original question asked for reflection on the goals of children generally, often the participants would personalize their responses to their own important short and long-term goals. A total of 37 responses were recorded which specifically related to important goals. Of these 37 responses, 17 related to the children's own personalized goals, 16 to personal goals that were considered to be largely reflective of social norms and four responses explicitly referred to the goals of significant others.
Seven of these 17 responses expressed goals pertaining to personal achievement; they included recreational pursuits and/or career choices. For example: [I would like to] get really good at art, I wouldn't mind [if other people tell me my work's terrible] I would keep it [for] myself. [Child 20].
Three of the 17 responses contained phrases suggesting that some children thought it was important that goals are pursued to a high standard. For example: [I want] to be a really good football player. [School A Child].
However, another five of the 17 responses stated that it is the process of goal pursuit that is important, regardless of the level of final achievement. For example: It doesn't matter where you come as long as you have had fun and enjoyed it. That's how I deal with my competitions. [Child 18]
Although many of the children expressed goal importance in terms of the level of happiness, six of the 37 goal responses state that ‘happiness’ itself is a goal. One child went on to explain: A really important thing to aim for in life would be happiness, experience and kindness because you have to think about others. [School A Child].
Some children saw widely shared, publicly approved goals as important. Sixteen of the 37 responses emphasized social norms (such as career success being important). In these cases the children referred to the goal in the third person, emphasizing that this may not have been what the child thought but an ‘ideal’ goal. Of these 16 responses, 11 related to job/fiduciary stability. For example: Work hard, get a good job and live a good life. [School B Child].
Another five out of 16 (31%) related to other commonly held desirable goals. These included ‘inner happiness’, ‘desire to be loved’ and ‘learning through past failures’. Moreover, four of the 37 responses described goals as being contingent upon what others wanted. For example, Childe 25 believed he would not be able to please his father unless he ‘received a scholarship’.
This response suggests a need for social approval as an important goal above and beyond personal achievements and satisfaction stemming from more personalized goals.
The children interviewed were on the whole able to consider and create their own goals with career prospects shown to be high priority goals in both children who state the dominant social view (35%) and those who expressed their own goals (65%).
3. Do children believe their happiness is conditional upon goal achievement?
Seventy-five responses related to relationships between happiness and goal-setting. Of these, 50 responses related specifically to CGS theory by specifically linking happiness with the achievement of goals.
For example: Happiness is achieving something.[School A Child]
Eight out of the 50 CGS responses referred to social approval goals. For example, when parents are watching while playing sport: It [having parents watching] gives you more of a challenge to win so it makes them [children] happy. [Child 1]
Ten out of the 50 CGS responses linked happiness with gaining a possession. For example: It makes me happy when I get a new toy. [Child 31]
There was also a common view that famous people are happy because they have achieved their goals. For example: [Famous people are happy because] they get lots, top score in game and they get best player, best dancer, best actor, awards. [School B Child]
These responses indicated a CGS perception of achievement, an assumption that happy celebrities are happy because of the goals they have achieved rather than due to more personal, intrinsic factors. A closely related CGS theme (reflected in 13 responses) was that winning leads to happiness. One child, when asked if he enjoyed karate replied: Yes, I mostly come first place, I have got many trophies and medals. [Child 17]
Downwards social comparison was also referred to as an important factor in the pursuit of happiness: I was happy when I got into PEAC because I was one of the seven smarter than just a few other people in my class. [Child 34]
Not all the children viewed their happiness as being dependent on goal achievement, and 25 out of the 75 responses showed a belief that happiness could be attained without successful goal outcomes: I think happiness is when you are doing something that makes you feels good. [Child 30]
Responses such as these could be clearly mapped to a process-based understanding of happiness, as opposed to an outcome-based, CGS understanding. Five of these 25 responses directly refuted a CGS viewpoint, for example: [If a goal doesn't happen] It will be all right… it's not the end of the world. [Child 20]
Although 13 of 75 responses suggested that children are happiest when they win a competition, nine responses indicated that some children get their happiness from the process of playing, regardless of whether they win or lose. If I win, I am ecstatic, but if like I don't win a medal or anything I am still happy to go with the guys, because it's really fun to do all those things, even though you can't win. [Child 23]
In addition, three responses indicate a belief that possessions do not guarantee happiness: If you don't think your life is good enough without a gold medal or stuff like that, riches, then when you get it you will find that it won't fill up the gap. [Child 33]
Quantitative analysis
Analyses of participants' qualitative data identified a majority of responses (66%) demonstrating CGS themes. Quantitative analysis was conducted to examine the relationship between expressed CGS and depression.
The mean score for the BDS was 10.09 (minimum = 4, maximum = 23, SD = 4.34) Forty-six percent of children scored over 11 on the BDS and three (6%) scored over 17. These three children were all from School B (mid-SES). There was a significant relationship between depression and CGS (r = 0.4, p < 0.05, n = 32). Thus, children's tendency to conceive happiness as conditionally dependent on goal achievement is significantly related to their level of depression
Discussion
Childhood depression is a substantial problem in the Australian community with serious implications for the children themselves, their families and the community as a whole. Misconceptions of happiness may contribute to the aetiology and maintenance of this increasing incidence of childhood depression [6]. The findings of this study highlight an important aspect of mechanisms potentially leading to depression.
Our study has been successful in identifying some of the beliefs about happiness held by children aged 10–12 in three schools in metropolitan Western Australia. The majority describe happiness as something that results from extrinsic factors – situations, experiences, and achievements. A minority of responses suggest a conceptualization of happiness as something intrinsic in children's own beliefs, thoughts and behaviour. The number of CGS responses is striking. Conditional goal setting theory proposes that beliefs in happiness as an outcome dependent upon external factors can create vulnerability to depression. Since this viewpoint was the majority viewpoint among these children, it may well be a contributory factor in explaining not only high levels of clinical depression but also increasing levels of dysphoria in children and many other associated problems such as drug abuse and conduct disorders. Although only three of the 34 children in this study had depression scores indicating clinical levels of depression, 46% had scores outside the normal range, indicating dysphoria and depression vulnerability. This large number of children with higher than expected or desired levels of depression offers cause for concern. It is suggested that these findings may reflect the vulnerability of these unhappy children to both future episodes of depression and/or to other emotional and behavioural problems. Although many of these vulnerable children may not suffer clinical levels of depression, their lack of happiness may result in any number of negative outcomes including anxiety, social skills deficits, substance abuse and eating disorders.
This study has also clarified children's important short- and long-term goals. The responses gathered indicate that the participants generally pursue personal goals, excellence in things they do, social approval and future security. Two-thirds of the children's relevant responses suggest that they believe personal happiness to be dependent on the achievement of important life goals. The remaining third of the responses suggested a belief in goal achievement being either partially or wholly irrelevant to wellbeing.
The most widely used form of psychological therapy to treat depression is cognitive behavioural therapy (CBT), which challenges depressed individuals' unhealthy and unhelpful beliefs and helps them to find better ways of conceptualizing their goals and attributing causality. Conditional goal setting supports the use of CBT in that it also challenges individuals' belief systems, suggesting more useful alternatives to those beliefs that are linked with depression vulnerability. It is believed for two reasons that CGS is an important addition to theory and practice based on CBT. First, it not only challenges belief systems but also challenges the motivations controlling these belief systems. For example, why do individuals choose the goals they choose? Second, it suggests a focus away from understanding unhealthy patterns of thinking onto creating healthy patterns of thinking and in particular healthy beliefs about happiness and wellbeing.
This study has provided information and insight into children's understandings of happiness and their important goals. It has also indicated that a significant proportion of primary school children view their personal happiness as dependent on goal achievement, a view that has been shown to be a contributing factor to vulnerability to depression and unhappiness.
The findings also point to some positive conclusions. Some children continue to seek happiness in the process of living and view it as something intrinsic. On balance, this small sample of contemporary young Australians were not depressed and expressed many attitudes toward happiness that are indicative of mental wellbeing. There are challenges to children in dealing with goal-related issues, but by no means all lead into depression.
This study highlights the need for more extensive research in this area. It also highlights the need for school-based depression prevention programs that focus on both conceptions of happiness and wellbeing, as well as the reasons for the setting and pursuit of important life goals.
Footnotes
Acknowledgements
This research was funded by a UWA research grant. Thanks to all staff and students from each of the three primary schools participating in this research.