Political Islam and Islam in Politics in Europe

Abstract

About 5% of the EU's inhabitants identify themselves as Muslims. Thus, there is an increasing presence of Muslims and Islam in European society, and this has caused an increase in their presence in politics. Muslims living in Europe have entered the political arena in different ways, both with Islamic parties and as candidates for the main parties. An analysis of the evolution of Muslim political participation in Europe shows that Islamic parties have largely failed, while politicians with Muslim backgrounds who join parties with no Islamic identity have obtained good results. This means that Muslims with a strong religious identity are still seen as a world apart in Europe, while Muslims who either have a secular identity or who live their faith as a personal belief are considered to be ordinary citizens who people vote for based on their inner qualities, regardless of their religion.

Introduction

The presence of Islam in the European political arena is taking place on two different levels: political Islam, on the one hand, and Islam and Muslims in politics, on the other. The two levels may sometimes coincide, but generally they do not. The first group includes Islamic parties or individual Muslim politicians linked with associations whose ideology is strictly tied to political Islam. The second group includes European citizens with Muslim backgrounds who do not belong to any specific Islamic group or do not openly declare their Islamic identity and do not even want to be labelled as Muslims.

Thus, in politics, there is a clear distinction between European Muslims and Muslim Europeans, that is, between a person with an Islamic identity living in Europe and a person with a European identity but an Islamic background. We shall see that this distinction coincides with a marked difference in attitudes towards politics and in aims as well. As Tariq Ramadan clearly states: ‘The great majority of Muslims in Europe are not strict practicing Muslims. This fact has to be acknowledged. It has also to be admitted that, for this great majority of Muslims, their principal concerns are exactly the same as the indigenous Europeans: namely, employment, good salaries, and a better standard of living’ (Ramadan 2004). These are what I call Muslim Europeans, that is, Europeans with a Muslim background. Yet, as Ramadan points out, ‘there is a visible revival of Islam and the appearance of a new awareness among Muslims in Europe’ (Ramadan 2004). This new awareness has led Ramadan to define European Muslims (Ramadan 1999). European Muslims are, for instance, those who ask for the introduction of halal food in schools, for more mosques and for the freedom to wear the hijab or niqab; that is, their aim is to guarantee and safeguard their idea of the Islamic faith, in order to ensure that there is no discrimination.

The aim of the present analysis is to show the different ways in which Muslims participate and contribute to politics in Europe.

Political Islam in Europe

The political commitment of Muslims living in Europe to Islamic parties is linked to the presence of ‘political Islam’ on the ground. The term political Islam refers to the encroachment of Islam, as a religion, into the secular domain of politics. For this reason it is often defined as Islam used for political ends.

Since January 2011, political Islam has been gaining ground on the southern shores of the Mediterranean. Parties linked with the Muslim Brotherhood, which is the most significant and best organised expression of political Islam, are now ruling in Tunisia and Egypt, and influence the political debate in Morocco, Algeria and Libya. In the post-revolutionary Arab world, political Islam has been presenting itself as the only way to introduce Islamic ethics and Islamic law as the major context for any decision and any action of the government in the aftermath of a corrupt past.

In Europe the aims of political Islam are functionally different, since Muslims are still a minority. This situation has led to the formulation of jurisprudence for Muslims living in a non-Muslim context, the ‘jurisprudence of minorities’ (Albrecht 2010). In 1993 the leader of the Tunisian Nahdha party–-which has links to the Muslim Brotherhood–-Rachid Ghannouchi, who spent about 30 years in exile in Europe, when discussing Muslim participation in non-Islamic governments wrote that

[I]t is incumbent upon the community of the faithful to avoid passivism and isolationism. Every Muslim has a responsibility toward the task of establishing the Islamic government… Power-sharing in a Muslim or a non-Muslim environment becomes a necessity in order to lay the foundations of the social order… Such a process of power-sharing may also aim to achieve a national or a humanistic interest such as independence, development, social solidarity, civil liberties, human rights, political pluralism, independence of the judiciary, freedom of the press, liberty for mosques and Islamic activities. (Ghannouchi 1993, 92)

In his conclusion Ghannouchi (1993, 95) stated that ‘the real problem lies in convincing the “other”, that is the ruling regimes, of the principle of the people's sovereignty and the right of Islamists–-just like political groups–-to form political parties, engage in political activities or share in power through democratic means.’ His position is clearly poles apart from that of the Salafists, since they hold that Muslims should not take part in politics in non-Islamic countries, as they consider them to be the ‘land of unbelief’ (Shadid and Van Koningsveld 1996).

Ghannouchi is now back in Tunisia, but he is still a member of the European Council for Fatwa and Research (ECFR), based in Dublin, whose main objectives, as can be read on its website, are

approaching and bringing together scholars who live in Europe and trying to unify their legal opinions; issuing fatwas that meet the collective needs of Muslims in Europe, solving problems and regulating their interaction with the European community, all within the rules and objectives of sharia; publishing studies and research to resolve the legal issues that arise in Europe in order to achieve the objectives of the sharia and interests of all people. (ECFR n.d.)

The first fatwa issued by the Council was regarding whether or not it was permissible for a Muslim to live permanently in a non-Islamic country. The fatwa reads as follows: ‘Our opinion is that a Muslim should never live among non-Muslims if it compromises his Islamic identity, unless you have no another choice’ (ECFR 1999, 14). In another fatwa, regarding Muslims in politics in non-Islamic countries, the Council stated:

So it's clear that mutual cooperation in worldly affairs goes far to encompass all citizens who share a common destiny, neighbourhood and sometimes kinship. This may be extended to include economic and commercial fields. In addition, the teachings of Islam, as deduced from the Qur'an and Sunnah, show that Islam is a religion of mercy, justice, goodness. One of the main goals of Islamic law is to achieve benefits and ward off harms, whether at the level of individuals or at the level of society. Furthermore, elections in the modern world systems have become a means through which peoples choose candidates and judge the programs they adopt. Muslims living in such societies enjoy rights and are bound to do some duties. If they fail to meet the duties obligated on them, they are no more entitled to receive the rights, for the rights meet the duties. Thus, Muslims’ participation in elections is a national duty; in addition it falls under cooperation on that which is good and righteous for the society and warding off harms from it, Allah Almighty says: ‘… help ye one another unto righteousness and pious duty. Help not one another unto sin and transgression…’ (Al-Ma'idah 5: 2) Therefore, we can say that Muslims’ participating in elections held in non-Muslim societies is Islamically permissible and there is nothing wrong in doing so. Besides, it is a kind of mutual cooperation with those whom Muslims think as potential candidates who, if they win the elections, will bring benefits for the society in general and Muslims in particular. (ECFR 2011)

Islamic parties in Europe

For political Islam, both a political life and political commitment are necessities in order for Muslims to survive in a European context. Political commitment can be reached either through direct participation or through social activities organised by non-governmental organisations that aim to raise awareness of Islamic issues within European institutions.

Direct commitment from Muslims in politics is more recent, since it requires first of all European citizenship, but also individuals who are more deeply rooted in society, show more consensus, and who are more politically and culturally prepared. This is why, as we shall show, the experiences of Islamic parties in Europe have been at least a disappointment, if not a failure.

A brief overview of the history of Islamic parties in Europe is useful for our analysis. Thus, below we analyse the history of the best-known Islamic parties in Europe and their electoral outcomes.

Islamic Party of Britain

The first Islamic party in Europe was the Islamic Party of Britain. It was founded in 1989 by David Musa Pidcock, a convert to Islam, with the purpose of ‘encouraging public debate about the Islamic alternative’ and helping Muslims in Britain (Islamic Party of Britain 2005). At the same time it offered, in a way similar to the Renaissance and Union of Spain Party (Partido Renacimiento y Union de España, PRUNE), an alternative way of life to non-Muslims who ‘may be helped to understand that as an ideology and way of life Islam is superior to the failed ideologies of capitalism and communism’. The party's limited electoral success led to its dissolution in 2006. The party generally supported the Respect Coalition that opposed the war in Iraq and the war and the UK's military presence in Afghanistan.

PRUNE in Spain

One of the first and most debated Islamic parties in Europe was no doubt PRUNE, which was founded in 2009 in Granada, Spain. Its president, the late Mustafa Bakkach El Aamrane, a Spaniard of Moroccan origin, repeatedly pointed out that his party only had ‘an Islamic orientation’, much like the Partido Popular (People's Party) had a Christian orientation. In 2010 Bakkach, representing PRUNE, went as far as to say, in Arabic, that the aim of his party was to represent minority groups in general and that it was not limited to Muslims. This confirmed that Islam was only meant to act as a moral framework. He also stressed that PRUNE was particularly focused on reforming public administrations to avoid corruption and on limiting bank interest since usury is banned in Islam. The idea of presenting PRUNE as a Spanish party with Islamic values and ethics clashed, however: a 2006 poll by Pew Research Global found that Muslims living in Spain, much like British and German Muslims, tended to identify themselves primarily as Muslims rather than as citizens of the country in which they were living. Sixty-nine per cent of Spanish Muslims considered themselves to be Muslims first (Pew Research Global 2006). Thus, while the poll results showed that Muslims living in Spain had a strong Islamic identity, their first political party had given religion a minor role.

Islam Party in Belgium

The tendency to stress Islamic identity is also confirmed by the most recently formed Islamic party in Europe: the Islam Party (Lijst Islam 2012) in Belgium. Its origins differ from those of PRUNE. The Islam Party clearly defines itself as Islamic. On the homepage of its website appear the Basmala, that is, ‘In the Name of God, the Compassionate, the Merciful’, and the following Koranic verse: ‘Let there become of you a community that shall call for righteousness, enjoy justice, and forbid evil’ (al-‘lmran 3: 104). Founder Redouane Ahrouch and member Lhoucine Aït Jeddig, who both won seats on local councils in Brussels in 2012, campaign for halal meals in cafeterias, government recognition of Muslim holidays, and government permission for the hijab and burqa to be worn in public. Ahrouch, who denounced the Salafi group Sharia4Belgium as too radical, declared simultaneously that ‘if a majority wishes to live by sharia, then sharia should become law’.

PRUNE and the Belgian Islam Party can be considered two sides of the same coin–-two different ways of interpreting the role of Islam in politics and in society. While PRUNE has been trying to show the social side of Islam, by taking care of all minorities regardless of religion, this is not the case for the Islam Party. In 2010, PRUNE chose a Christian woman as its leader in Catalonia. In contrast, in 2002, the Islam Party's leader founded the Party of Light (NOOR le parti islamique), advocating, among other things, teenage marriage, restrictions on the practice of mixed-gender classrooms and the abolition of taxes (NOOR n.d.). The pure Islamic identity of the Islam Party is the basis for the recent proposal to the Belgian parliament to limit its influence by Alain Destexche of the Federation Wallonia-Brussels. He declared that its attitude would be incompatible with the European Convention on Human Rights.

Contemporary party in Norway

In 2009 in Norway, the Independent Labour Party was founded by a Norwegian of Pakistani background, Ghuffor Butt. The party soon changed its name to the Contemporary Party (Samtidspartiet). At the beginning it focused on mainstream issues, that is, requests for lower taxes and lower fuel prices. But, although its founder was considered a liberal Muslim (he is a former secular film director and producer), the Islamic identity of the party soon became clear. In an interview with the Norwegian newspaper Dagbladet (Gunnar 2009), Butt declared that his party was in favour of establishing Islamic schools and hospitals, lifting the ban on wearing the hijab in the police force, punishing those who reprinted the Danish cartoons, withdrawing troops from Afghanistan and prohibiting homo-sexuality. It is interesting to note that the party was launched on a Pakistani television channel, not a Norwegian one. The party's electoral results were very poor, gaining only 264 votes (0.01%) in the 2009 parliamentary election in the county of Oslo.

Dutch Muslim Party in the Netherlands

In January 2012, the Dutch Muslim Party (Nederlandse Moslim Partij), founded in 2007, announced its hope of taking part in the forthcoming parliamentary elections in 2015. From its foundation the party presented itself as more moderate than either the Islam Party or the Contemporary Party. However, it also differs from PRUNE, as Islam is not just a frame for the party's programme but provides the content too. In its national programme it is clearly stated that, even though the party does not intend to found an Islamic state in the country, its aim is to fill the gap where a party with an Islamic identity should be (Nederlandse Moslim Partij 2009). Its principles confirm that its main reference point is Islam: it wants the criminalisation of blasphemy and the consequent partial limitation of free speech in cases where it is intended to offend other people, and provision in law for punishment for the damage and destruction of holy texts. Non-Muslims and women can join the party. As far as foreign policy is concerned, the party wants the withdrawal of troops from Iraq and Afghanistan, and support for Israel stopped. The programme stresses the importance of the accession of Turkey into the EU. In June 2012, the board members of the party, Muslim Dutch Henny Kreeft and Jacques Visker, resigned and dissolved the party, arguing that the country is not yet ready for a Muslim party and that the Dutch Muslim community is too politically divided.

Divisions and differences among Muslims in Europe

Division is no doubt one of the main reasons for the failure of most Islamic parties at the national level in Europe. It is not only a matter of being Sunni or Shia, nor a matter of being a practising or secular Muslim. It is also a matter of national identity and linguistic belonging. The mistake most Islamic parties make is the same mistake Western people make when talking about Islam: thinking of Islam and Muslims as a monolithic community. The so-called Islamic community in Europe is represented by many nationalities, traditions and languages. In the Netherlands, for instance, the Muslim population consists of Turks, Moroccans and Indonesians, and, since the 1980s, also of Somalis, Iranians, Iraqis, Pakistanis and Afghans. Even though they all are Muslims, it is patently clear that each group practises a different kind of Islam, strongly influenced by their traditional and historical backgrounds. But what is more important is that the Muslim population is not unified from a linguistic point of view, due to both the presence of different Arabic dialects and of non-Arabic-speaking Muslims.

It follows from what has just been said and from the ‘failure’ of Islamic parties in Europe that the ‘Islamic label’ in politics might not appeal to Muslims themselves. It also follows that, when it comes to politics, the Muslim identity is not yet seen to be a strong binding agent. This could be why Islamic parties’ candidates have only achieved success at a local level, such as in Belgium, when the vote is primarily for the person and his or her personal characteristics, and not for the party itself.

Politicians with a Muslim background

The fortunes of individual politicians with Muslim backgrounds are slightly more successful than those of Islamic parties. They usually enter the political arena as candidates for the main parties, from the right, the centre or the left, and tend to avoid being labelled Muslims, even though the media like to do this.

In the main and most comprehensive European political arena, the European Parliament, out of a total of 749 MEPs, 10 have Muslim backgrounds, meaning that they were either born in Muslim countries or have Muslim parents. Four were elected in France: Rachida Dati (European People's Party, EPP), Tokia Saïfi (EPP), Karima Delli (Greens) and Malika Benarab-Attou (Greens). Two come from the UK: Syed Kamall (European Conservatives and Reformists, ECR) and Sajjad Karim (ECR). One was elected in Belgium: Saïd El-Khadraoui (Progressive Alliance of Socialists and Democrats, S&D); one in the Netherlands: Emine Bozkurt (S&D); and one in Germany: Ismail Ertug (S&D).

Of them, the most famous is no doubt Rachida Dati, who has held the post of Minister for Justice, having been a spokesperson for Nicolas Sarkozy during the French presidential election of 2007. Dati has never emphasised her link to Islam and has always defined herself as a French citizen. The other female MEPs are openly secular, and none of them wear the veil, even though most of them, like their male colleagues, are members of Commissions linked to the Arab and Islamic world.

Another interesting example of a Muslim in politics is Ahmed Aboutaleb in the Netherlands. On 31 October 2008, the Moroccan-born Muslim was elected mayor of Rotterdam, an event that was compared with the election of Barack Obama as president of the US. Aboutaleb is a member of the Labour Party and in 2007 was named State Secretary for Social Affairs and Employment of the Balkenende IV government. His political career began in January 2004, when he became an alderman for the Labour Party in the city of Amsterdam. He came to prominence as a result of his efforts to calm ethnic tensions following the murder of film director Theo van Gogh by a radical Islamist in November 2004. After his election he acknowledged his faith and declared to the Dutch newspaper De Volkskrant: ‘As a Muslim and a son of an immigrant from Morocco I am glad to take part in governing this country. I cherish this moment. I am proud that this is possible in the Netherlands. And I am proud of the Dutch people who have given me their confidence’ (Rozema 2011).

In Italy, the last two legislatures have seen two different kinds of Muslims in politics. In 2008 Souad Sbai, president of Italy's Association of Moroccan Women, was elected as a member of parliament for Berlusconi's People of Freedom Party (Partito Della Libertà). Sbai, born in Morocco, is a secular Muslim who fought to ban the burqa and was against the diminution of the penalty for honour killings due to cultural mitigating circumstances. Her political focus has been more on immigrant women's rights than on Islam as a religion. In the last elections in February 2013, another Muslim was elected to parliament for the Democratic Party (Partito Democratico), this time a young practising Muslim, Khaled Chaouki, who is of Moroccan origin. He is a former president of Young Muslims of Italy, an association ideologically linked to the Muslim Brotherhood. His mandate is still just beginning. In March he signed the proposal for a new citizenship law aimed at facilitating the acquisition of Italian citizenship for second-generation minors. Jus solis, that is, automatic citizenship for people born in Italy, is an issue more related to Chaouki's life as an immigrant than to his Islamic background. The coming months and years will show whether his faith will become more evident in political debates, especially on topics such as gay marriages, which are clearly banned from the Islamic point of view.

Conclusion

The future of Muslims and Islam in European politics is still to be written, but from the brief overview we have just given, some conclusions can be drawn. European citizens with a Muslim background are going to grow in number in the coming years (Pew Research Center 2011, 121–36), and this implies that there will be a major commitment from them in the political arena. The failure of Islamic parties so far may also lead practising Muslims, like Khaled Chouki, to join the main party whose views on social issues and foreign policy most closely match their own. It could also be, as the Italian case shows, that secular Muslims will tend to choose right-leaning parties, whereas practising Muslims will choose left-wing ones, although this may turn out not to be the case.

All the above-mentioned possibilities show the variety of beliefs within Islam and among Muslims and lead us to the conclusion that, in the future, Muslim participation in European politics might follow the same direction as that of Christian-born citizens, that is, participation in parties that focus less on religious identity and more on social and economic issues. Shared values and shared citizenship might be the solution.