Abstract
The economic and financial crisis, the sovereign debt crisis, speculative attacks against certain eurozone members, globalisation, increasing migratory flows, ‘currency wars’: these major events have presented a formidable challenge for our European Union over the past four years, and we must rise to meet them together.
Europe has reacted in different ways: by reinforcing the Stability and Growth Pact, by creating the EFSF and later the ESM and with tools to fight against the excesses of financial speculation; and through the Stability Pact, economic coordination and governance, new strategy in commercial relations, and ongoing reform of the Schengen area. There is still much to do and in the coming years we will mostly have to further our efforts to increase economic and financial stability, ensuring greater responsibility and solidarity, and a political Europe.
The roads we have taken over the past years have led—de facto, and sometimes de jure—to a Union of multiple speeds, whether in the eurozone (with just 17 Member States) or the Schengen area (with 26 countries, of which 22 are Member States). And of course, the latest and most visible example to date is the treaty known as the Fiscal Compact, which has been negotiated and signed by 25 Member States.
Although these different approaches are not always fully satisfying and easy to understand from an institutional perspective, as well as regularly deplored by ‘Community method’ purists and European federalists, they can nonetheless claim to be realistic, pragmatic, practical, easily carried out and, in my opinion, absolutely in line with the complexities of the globalised world in which Europe is evolving, as well as with the challenges that we must face up to.
No, these different approaches, these variable geometries, these circles or different speeds in various matters do not challenge the spirit of the founders! Jean Monnet's method was nothing if not pragmatic, realistic, tangible and visionary all at once.
The Europe of multiple speeds already exists, and by no means does it represent the end of the European project or the burial of the dream of peace, liberty and prosperity born from the ashes of the Second World War. Our task today and in the years to come is to give a new direction to the European project. Having overcome the challenge of dimension, Europe must now face the challenge of power. Which tools can it create and use in order to become a political power? Does everyone share a common vision of this will to act? Developing a political Europe is undoubtedly one of the paths to follow. And this political Europe can only grow around a committed core. European defence must also be a guiding axis. European Member States that share the will and the means to do so must set out to build a common European defence system, and other countries should be able to progressively join them when they feel ready. This European defence core could be formed by the joint sum of the ‘Weimar Triangle’ with the United Kingdom.
In order for this Europe of multiple speeds, of multiple circles, to come to fruition, we must create and refine institutional frameworks without fear or taboos inherited from the past. We will need audacity, imagination and enthusiasm. Who doubts that the Old Continent can muster these resources?